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Needless meddling by US
The Pioneer Edit Desk
India-Pakistan ties not America’s concern
Indications of a certain chill in Washington, DC towards New Delhi have been there ever since US President Barack Obama began enunciating his foreign policy, especially on American engagement with Pakistan and Afghanistan.
That chill has now begun to take form and shape by way of the Obama Administration seeking to turn the clock back and re-hyphenating India and Pakistan while re-strategising the US’s perceived role in South Asian affairs.
It would appear that Mr Obama is unimpressed by his predecessor’s vigorous efforts — which were successful to a great extent — to free US-India relations from Washington’s obsession with Islamabad and, in a sense, make it the cornerstone of American foreign policy in the region.
Mr George W Bush saw merit in India emerging as a power and thus as a countervailing force not only to China but the surge in reckless and destructive Islamism, which is not limited to jihadis blowing up Pakistan bit by bit, in South Asia and beyond.
He saw India’s rise as a stabilising factor, a success story which others would want to emulate. Mr Obama clearly believes otherwise. He neither wishes to see democratic, stable and progressive India rise in the global market nor emerge as a countervailing force in the region.
Like other Democrats who have occupied the White House before him, he takes a rather bleak view of India and sees this country as being worthy of no more than being equated with an imploding Pakistan whose decrepit US-dependent regime has been reduced to a caricature despite billions of dollars in American aid.
It is this perception which propelled Mr Obama to raise and discuss India’s conduct of bilateral relations with Pakistan when he met China’s President Hu Jintao and show cynical indifference towards Indian sensitivities by agreeing to the inclusion of a gratuitous, if not patronising, comment on the issue in the Joint Statement that followed Tuesday’s meeting.
What makes it particularly offensive is that Mr Obama has chosen to do so virtually on the eve of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s state visit to the US.
Mr Obama is free to discuss the future of Pakistan and Afghanistan with anybody he wishes; it is for those countries to deal with America’s proclivity for rude and crude intrusive diplomacy.
But he must not presume that the US has the right to either preach to India on how it should deal with Pakistan or, along with China, play a monitoring role in the “improvement and growth of relations between India and Pakistan” which is strictly a bilateral issue.
Indeed, if truth be told, “peace, stability and development in South Asia” has long been hampered by flawed American policy and China’s relentless pursuit of strategic clout at any cost.
It is laughable that Mr Obama and Mr Hu should make pious observations on non-proliferation and call for a world free of nuclear weapons — the US is guilty of turning a blind eye to unfettered nuclear proliferation by Pakistan while China’s contribution to Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal does not merit elaboration.
It can be argued that Mr Obama had no other option but to kowtow to Mr Hu: A broke America kept afloat by China cannot but play second fiddle to Chinese ambition and keep Beijing in good humour. With its economy in free fall and its military floundering miserably in Afghanistan, America is deserving of our sympathy; some would even suggest we should pity the world’s sole superpower for its sorry plight.
But while the US is welcome to express its gratitude to China any which way it wishes, it should resist the temptation of doing so at India’s expense.
Needless meddling by US
The Pioneer Edit Desk
India-Pakistan ties not America’s concern
Indications of a certain chill in Washington, DC towards New Delhi have been there ever since US President Barack Obama began enunciating his foreign policy, especially on American engagement with Pakistan and Afghanistan.
That chill has now begun to take form and shape by way of the Obama Administration seeking to turn the clock back and re-hyphenating India and Pakistan while re-strategising the US’s perceived role in South Asian affairs.
It would appear that Mr Obama is unimpressed by his predecessor’s vigorous efforts — which were successful to a great extent — to free US-India relations from Washington’s obsession with Islamabad and, in a sense, make it the cornerstone of American foreign policy in the region.
Mr George W Bush saw merit in India emerging as a power and thus as a countervailing force not only to China but the surge in reckless and destructive Islamism, which is not limited to jihadis blowing up Pakistan bit by bit, in South Asia and beyond.
He saw India’s rise as a stabilising factor, a success story which others would want to emulate. Mr Obama clearly believes otherwise. He neither wishes to see democratic, stable and progressive India rise in the global market nor emerge as a countervailing force in the region.
Like other Democrats who have occupied the White House before him, he takes a rather bleak view of India and sees this country as being worthy of no more than being equated with an imploding Pakistan whose decrepit US-dependent regime has been reduced to a caricature despite billions of dollars in American aid.
It is this perception which propelled Mr Obama to raise and discuss India’s conduct of bilateral relations with Pakistan when he met China’s President Hu Jintao and show cynical indifference towards Indian sensitivities by agreeing to the inclusion of a gratuitous, if not patronising, comment on the issue in the Joint Statement that followed Tuesday’s meeting.
What makes it particularly offensive is that Mr Obama has chosen to do so virtually on the eve of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s state visit to the US.
Mr Obama is free to discuss the future of Pakistan and Afghanistan with anybody he wishes; it is for those countries to deal with America’s proclivity for rude and crude intrusive diplomacy.
But he must not presume that the US has the right to either preach to India on how it should deal with Pakistan or, along with China, play a monitoring role in the “improvement and growth of relations between India and Pakistan” which is strictly a bilateral issue.
Indeed, if truth be told, “peace, stability and development in South Asia” has long been hampered by flawed American policy and China’s relentless pursuit of strategic clout at any cost.
It is laughable that Mr Obama and Mr Hu should make pious observations on non-proliferation and call for a world free of nuclear weapons — the US is guilty of turning a blind eye to unfettered nuclear proliferation by Pakistan while China’s contribution to Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal does not merit elaboration.
It can be argued that Mr Obama had no other option but to kowtow to Mr Hu: A broke America kept afloat by China cannot but play second fiddle to Chinese ambition and keep Beijing in good humour. With its economy in free fall and its military floundering miserably in Afghanistan, America is deserving of our sympathy; some would even suggest we should pity the world’s sole superpower for its sorry plight.
But while the US is welcome to express its gratitude to China any which way it wishes, it should resist the temptation of doing so at India’s expense.
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