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#1 (permalink) | |
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Military Professional
Moderator |
"Non Cents" - Air Power vs. Land Power
A fascinating read. It is both amazing and saddening to see the zero sum game approach that services have. Maybe I am biased, but I tend to agree with Frank Hoffman that the USAF consistently oversells its capabilities to a degree to serve parochial interests rather the national interest. The other services are guilty of this as well at times, but I think that the USAF tends to be more egregious.
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"So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand." Thucydides 1.20.3 |
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#2 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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Good read Shek. Forty-four years ago, I was firmly in General Dunlap's camp. If you asked me, a lowly J.G. at the time, the Viet Nam war would be wrapped up just as soon as my Phantom squadron got on station and could hammer a little sense to the North Vietnamese. Political bungling aside, I learned a stark lesson on the second day I went feet dry. The stuff I had bombed was no longer relevant to the battle that was still raging. Our own troops were still in contact and they still needed lots of air support. In those forty-four years not much has changed. Troops, on both sides, deal with air strikes and move on. We in the aviation end of war fighting can point to a lot of bridges destroyed, and the combat engineers can point to a lot of temporary river crossings built. Without question air power can affect the outcome of a particular engagement. But, that will only be permanent if troops on the ground can take advantage of it.
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#3 (permalink) |
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WAB Bartender
Defense Professional
Military Professional |
If all wars and battles were about seizing and holding terrain, you'd be correct.
But not all wars and battles are about that (especially now), so your blanket statement is incorrect.
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"The quickest way of ending a war is to lose it, and if one finds the prospect of a long war intolerable, it is natural to disbelieve in the possibility of victory." - George Orwell |
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#4 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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I tend to agree that there have been a few battles that were not about holding terrain. Pearl Harbor from the Japanese point of view, Coral Sea from ours, the North Atlantic from both German and Allied perspectives, Hanoi and Haiphong from ours. But, wars? I have yet to see a war that was not about seizing and holding terrain, or keeping someone from seizing that terrain.
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#5 (permalink) |
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Senior Contributor
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crib
There are wars of anihilation. Some brief, pehaps punitive. Others inspired by historical emnity, opportunism, vengence, manifest destiny (OK, that one was land
or finally Doctrinal.To run through them with the intent not to bore. Carthage. Plough salt. Vikings. Rape it, steal it; and if not kill or burn it. I know that they eventualy settled etc. See top. Or the opening weeks of WW2. Or the closing months of WW2 Anything in Chinese history. To wind things up: MAD Nothing left to claim, Well, for a few centuries ... ![]()
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Where's the bloody gin? An army marches on its liver, not its ruddy stomach. |
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#6 (permalink) |
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Patron
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I would have to say that winning a war is all about getting boots on the ground. One of the problems the US faced in Viet Nam was we won the battles but didn't keep the terrain. And would find themselves fighting the same battle again. All the armed forces are concerned with their own interests first ie budgets thats a given. Anyway very good read there.
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#7 (permalink) | |
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WAB Bartender
Defense Professional
Military Professional |
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Details later. |
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#8 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
Moderator |
BadKharma,
Not sure if these are the details that Bluesman was going to follow with, but the key question is what was the proper "terrain" to hold? I'd submit that holding the Ia Drang Valley, as an example, wouldn't have mattered much. Fighting successive attrition battles was not the strategy of success, and holding dense jungle simply would have tied up forces. The key terrain in the 1960s was human terrain, and instead of winning the "big war" battles, boots on the ground should have instead been reoriented towards the "village war". The NLF helped the US/SVN by imploding due to the Tet Offensive, creating a vacuum that allowed the government of SVN to expand back into areas where the NLF had controlled just a few short years earlier (the issue of gaining legitimacy in the villages is another matter). However, once the NLF's reach was minimized, boots on the ground became less important and the utility of air power became greater as NVN shifted to a main force war. You can look to the battle of An Loc as an example where B52s could effectively supplement the SVN boots on the ground during main force battles. Air power was also somewhat effective in attriting supplies along the Ho Chi Minh Trail once sensor technology had sufficiently progressed to allow for more effective targeting. It wasn't enough to stop supplies from moving south, but it was enough to delay offensive plans and force NVN to rely upon proven stocks of supplies instead of assuming risk by depending upon the flow of supplies. Air power would have been critical to protecting SVN indefinitely - boots on the ground in large numbers simply would not have been sustainable, even if the political climate had been more favorable. |
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#9 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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Good article.
The AF is crying because they're not the center of attention on this one. The hit on Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was nice, problem with that one though, there were boots on the ground pointing to the house. Special Forces developed information that the spiritual adviser, Sheik Abd-al-Rahman, would be attending a meeting and likely would be with al-Zarqawi that day. Good shooting AF, but it wouldn't have happened without troops there watching the house.
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In Omnia Paratus |
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#11 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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More From Air Force Magazine
By John A. Tirpak, Executive Editor
Air Force Magazine Online The New Counterinsurgency; Airpower to the Rear; That Satellite Is Toast .... The Petraeus Doctrine "In a counterinsurgency, airpower is mostly useful as a means of hauling around ground forces while keeping an eye on the bad guys. Air strikes are probably too blunt an instrument to be of much value, and ground commanders should think twice before asking for them. If air strikes are used, though, a ground forces commander definitely should control them." Quaint musings from a dusty, pre-“joint” Army field manual? Nope. Fresh ink from Lt. Gen. David H. Petraeus, tapped by President Bush to be the new commander of Multinational Force-Iraq. The strange comments about the applications of modern airpower are contained in the dead-last, five-page annex to a brand-new 335-page Army-Marine Corps combined arms doctrine on counterinsurgency (or “COIN”), co-signed by Petraeus and Marine Corps Lt. Gen. James F. Amos. Field Manual 3-24 was published in December... ...The views in FM 3-24 reflect a limited knowledge of airpower’s true role in the current operation and suspicion that airpower can all too easily prove counterproductive. This is all the more distressing in light of the view that Petraeus will set direction for the ongoing fight in Iraq. The new doctrine argues that airpower is best put under control of a tactical ground commander or, at the highest level, the multinational force commander, but not an airman... Army’s Little Helper ...Petraeus and Amos damn airpower with the faintest of faint praise, cautioning that, aside from the purely supportive functions of battlefield mobility and persistent ISR, airpower can be too heavy-handed to be of much use. In the COIN fight, airpower “will most often transport troops, equipment, and supplies” for ground forces “and perform intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions,” Petraeus and Amos argued. These are air- and space power’s greatest contributions in the COIN fight, they said. Such a use offers “asymmetric advantages” over the enemy, allowing immediate movement of “land forces where they are needed,” especially in rough terrain. Modern airlift can also “quickly deliver humanitarian assistance,” especially in isolated areas, and this builds great credibility and favor with the local population. Offensive air strikes are useful if the insurgents “assemble a conventional force” and huddle together for easy air attack... ...However, they acknowledged that being too cautious with airpower isn’t good, either, noting that “avoiding all risk may embolden insurgents while providing them sanctuary.” Airpower offers advantages in collecting ISR and signals intelligence for spotting and tracking insurgents and pinpointing their positions. Helicopters—the main air asset employed by the Army—“have been especially useful in providing overwatch, fire support, alternate communications, and medevac support,” the doctrine explains. However, air assets should be at the disposal of the ground commander, according to the new doctrine manual... ...While the COIN fight is on, the Air Force should work as fast as it can to help the host nation build up its air capabilities, according to the doctrine. Those should focus on mobility and surveillance. What the Air Force Thought The Air Force wasn’t thrilled about the Army-Marine Corps counterinsurgency document, which the service said gave short shrift to airpower’s capabilities, as proved in the ongoing counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Maj. Gen. Allen G. Peck, commander of the Air Force Doctrine Center at Maxwell AFB, Ala., said he had seen the doctrine penned by Petraeus and Amos, and said that it reflected “a very two-dimensional view of how to fight a counterinsurgency.” If airmen had written it, it would be “different,” Peck observed. The Air Force provides “maneuver” capabilities by backing up ground troops with kinetic and nonkinetic means, Peck noted. The Air Force is working on its own COIN doctrine and is proposing to the Pentagon that a joint doctrine be developed. The Air Force version is on a fast track to be finished in August. The service is simultaneously pushing for a joint doctrine. When that process is under way, “it will be helpful for us to have our Air Force doctrine in hand,” he said. USAF agrees with Petraeus and Amos that air mobility is a powerful “asymmetric” capability and certainly endorses the view that ISR—air and space-based systems alike—are critical. However, Peck said he was concerned about the doctrine’s tendency to low-rate the value of force applied from the air. He said FM 3-24 does “probably a bit too much hand-wringing over the potential for collateral damage,” because the Air Force exercises great care in selecting targets and uses the minimum explosive power possible to achieve the desired effect. The notion that the Air Force applies “indiscriminate” power is obsolete and wrong, he said, adding, “We do not go out and do carpet bombing.” Moreover, worries about errant attacks should be extended to “include artillery and mortars,” which are imprecise when compared with laser or satellite guided bombs. Peck went on to say Petraeus and Amos did not adequately take account of the contribution of airpower’s speed, range, and flexibility. “I would have liked to have seen more discussion, throughout the document, ... about how ground commanders can leverage this asymmetric capability in the fight,” said Peck. “I think that is a shortfall.” The Air Force did make “some rather extensive inputs” into the Army and Marine Corps process of writing 3-24, Peck said. “Some were accepted and some were rejected,” he said. “They are under no requirement to include our views.” He noted that it was “a bit of an uphill battle” to get the Army to accept that airpower should be under centralized control and not simply tethered to a tactical ground commander. “I would give General Petraeus some credit for including some of these constructs that, frankly, not everybody was universally thrilled about,” Peck observed. How dare the Army to assume some role in the targeting process!? Heaven forbid that, in acknowledging the leverage attained from mobility and ISR that the Army/Marine Corps may forget the value of overwhelming multi-capable strike packages aimed at those deep targets. And why the hell are we on the last five pages of the last annex to FM 3-24? Did anybody mention to the Air Force that COIN ops are undertaken with the presumption of air superiority from external threats to COIN airspace? Has it been mentioned that it's o.k. to take great pride in mobility and ISR missions? Pathetic child-like petulance intended to shape the real war- the budget battles forthcoming.
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"This aggression will not stand, man!" Jeff Lebowski Last edited by S-2 : 01-24-2008 at 00:58 AM. |
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#12 (permalink) | |
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Military Professional
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Since the key terrain in a COIN fight is the population, it's very difficult for the Air Force alone to interact with them. I think that's why 3-24 envisions air assets to be a tied in with the ground commander's plan. The guys on the ground have a better feel of the population they're trying to effect, and thus need to have some say about what the air is doing. |
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#13 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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Ofogs Reply
"I think that's why 3-24 envisions air assets to be a tied in with the ground commander's plan. The guys on the ground have a better feel of the population they're trying to effect, and thus need to have some say about what the air is doing."
I may not have been too clear on that last post. I sorta got wrapped up in the artistry of it all. Your above comment is perfectly correct. In fact it's obvious to most, I'd imagine, that it'll be a decentralized air-plan that shouldn't normally require the gathering of complex strike packages.It's on the Air Force to carve a role in COIN/IW that'll be compatible w/FM 3-24, their institutional mindset, and our nat'l objectives. If forced to a trade-off, most Army commanders would ask for A-10s and the Air Transport/Mobility (whatever the ferk those guys at Scott AFB call themselves ) Command and send the rest home as more trouble and resource consuming than they are worth. Our operations presuppose air-dominance and are eternally grateful for the freedom of mobility that we're consequently afforded. Beyond that, the risks begin to merit case-by-case consideration by ground commanders for the employment of attack sorties. In COIN, our ground troops own a piece of the neighborhood and have to later deal w/ the unintended consequences of a poorly executed strike. Tirpak's article, written for a partisan audience, is parochial and ill-considered. |
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#14 (permalink) | |
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Patron
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#15 (permalink) | |
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Military Professional
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