Announcement

Collapse
No announcement yet.

Analysis: Ivory Coast Civil War

Collapse
X
 
  • Filter
  • Time
  • Show
Clear All
new posts

  • Analysis: Ivory Coast Civil War

    Ivory Coast Conflict

    The conflict in the west African nation of Ivory Coast [Côte d'Ivoire] can be traced to the military coup that took place in 1999. Up until then, the country, the world's largest cocoa producer, had been seen as a model of stability in the continent. The country is predominatly Muslim in the north of the country and predominantly Christian in the south and west.

    By the time of the uprising by disgruntled soldiers on the night of September 18-19, 2002, the country was experiencing its sixth coup or attempted coup in the space of less than three years. The attempted coup began when as many as 800 soldiers mutinied before dawn after it was learned that some members of the army would be sacked and thus that hundreds of soldiers would be demobolized. It was reported that a number of those concerned were followers of the General Robert Guei, the instigator of the 1999 military coup who eventually lost power as a result of popular elections.

    The city of Abidjan was the site of one of three simultaneous rebel attacks. But control of Abidjan, was secured by loyalist forces after a day of gun and mortar battle that reportedly killed at least 270 people. Among the victims of the putsch attempt were the country's Minister of the Interior, the former head of state, General (Robert) Guei, along with his wife, son, and grandchildren who all died in a gunfire attack on his home in Abidjan.

    Though France, who has strong interests in this former colony of hers, had approximately 600 troops stationed in Abidjan under the terms of a bilateral agreement, the French government had not called on them to intervene.

    Rebels announced on the following Sunday their willingness to enter negotiations with the government, provided that a third party intervene. To that effect, they sent a list of their demands to the French Embassy in the capital. The latter was reinforcing its troop presense in the country, officialy to help with the possible evacuation of French nationals which number in the vicinity of 20-thousand, and other foreigners. The rebel announcement came just as a military convoy of armored vehicles and tanks was approaching the central Ivory Coast city of Bouake and the northern town of Korhogthat that remained under the control of anti-government forces. Rebel demands were the reintegration of deserters into the army; the release from prison of military and paramilitary police officers; and better pay.

    In the meantime, the home of former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara, the leader of Ivory Coast's main opposition party, was set on fire. Ouattara had already taken refuge in the French Ambassador's residence. Henri Konan Bedie, another of the country's Former President, also sought refuge at the Canadian ambassador's residence.

    On September 23, reports began coming out of gunfire being exchanged in Bouake, the country's second largest city. By then, rebels had taken control of the town of Tebissou, located about 70 kilometers south of Bouake near the political capital of Yamoussoukro, at the airport of which some French troops were being camped.

    On September 24, 2002, heavy fighting broke out between both sides in Bouake. With more than 100 American children and staff caught at the International Christian Academy, a missionary boarding school, counted among those caught in the fighting there, U.S. Special Forces were dispatched to the region, following the request of the U.S. Ambassador to Ivory Coast, Arlene Render. Neighboring Ghana was to serve as a staging base for the 200 U.S. troops from the military's European Command. The situation at the Bouake missionary boarding school was eventually resolved after French troops rescued the people who had taken refuge there. France finished evacuating more than one-thousand of its citizens, and others, including hundreds of Americans, from rebel-held Bouake, Ivory Coast's second largest city on September 27.

    In the meantime, it was reported the Ivoirian government was claiming the coup attempt to be supported by an unidentified neighboring country. The accusations led to attacks by Ivorian security forces and citizens against Ivory Coast's large community of immigrant workers from Burkina Faso. Nigeria meanwhile began providing assistance to the Ivoirian government in the form of three fighter jets which were dispatched to Abidjan. Military sources in the country were reported as saying that these would be used to fly over and, possibly, attacking rebel targets.

    By September 28, 2002, calls were growing among West African leaders for France to take an active role in ending the rebellion. Ivory Coast Prime Minister Pascal Affi N'Guessan told French journalists that his government wanted France to help the government with logistical support in its battle with renegade soldiers. This was echoed by Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade, the head of ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States), who was quoted as saying that provided ECOWAS decides to send a multi-national force of West African peacekeepers to Ivory Coast, France should then send logistical aid. ECOWAS was itself meeting on September 29 in Accra, Ghana, to discuss the question of dispatching a peacekeeping force. The meeting would include Burkina Faso's President Blaise Compaore.

    It was also announced by Ivorian Ambassador to the United Nations, Djessan Philippe Djangone-Bi, that Ivory Coast was upgrading its arsenal to combat heavily armed rebels though the source of the weapons remained undisclosed. He claimed the rebels to be armed young men originally from Burkina Faso, Sierra Leon, and Liberia. According again to Djangone-Bi, cocoa production would be unaffected by the rebellion; the country's cocoa belt and main ports of Abidjan and San Padre being untouched by fighting.

    Renegade soldiers were in the meantime making progress, capturing more towns in the center and north of the country under their control. They did release on September 27 the country's sports minister, whom they had been holding in Bouake, since the start of hostilities.

    On September 31st, it was reported that a team of diplomats from several West African nations (ministers from Ghana, Mali, Nigeria, Niger, Togo, and Guinea-Bissau) had arrived in Abidjan to meet with Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo, hoping to mediate a cease-fire between the Ivory Coast government and the renegade soldiers. It was also hoped that through this, more information could also be learnt about, amont other things, the rebels, their demand and support base. The rebels had expressed a willingness to begin preliminary talks with the mediators soon. Meanwhile, heavy fighting broke out in the town of Tiebissou, about 40-kilometers north of Yamoussoukro. The town had changed hands at least twice during the past week, though the government was claiming that it controled the town. Bouake was still the scene of heavy fighting and large numbers were leaving that city and other rebel-held areas on foot amid fears of government assaults. Though the government had repeatedly vowed to launch major offensives on rebel-held areas, these had largely not been carried out. Those leaving Bouake were reported as saying that the rebels appeared to be well-armed and organized, and had not attacked civilians.

    French troops were also assembled north of Yamoussoukro, as part of what military officials said were efforts to help loyalist forces prevent a rebel incursion to the south; though tht support that logistical and did not cover troops. U.S. special forces in neighboring Ghana were still on standby and had that previous week rescued hundreds of Americans and other foreigners from the northern rebel-held towns of Korhogo and Ferkessedougou.

    By October 2, 2002, more reports were emerging that government security forces and supporters had been attacking and setting fire to Abidjan's many shantytowns, home to members of the country's large population of immigrant workers from other West African countries. Officially, the government was claiming this to be justified by its belief that these areas might serve as hideouts for anti-government forces. For many years, Ivory Coast was considered the most prosperous and stable nation in the region and it welcomed millions of immigrant workers from neighboring countries, who account for a quarter of the country's 16 million population. These immigrants came to live in what was once a haven of stability and prosperity in a troubled region. With its economy in a steady decline for years, however, Ivorians have grown resentful of people of other countries who now make up one-third of Ivory Coast's population. Officials for the U-N Refugee agency the prior week expressed concern that the attacks on foreigners' and their homes could result in a major humanitarian crisis in Abidjan as thousands are displaced.

    It was reported that some rebel spokesmen had complained that it was only the knowledge that a contingent of French troops was posted north of Yamoussoukro that had prevented them from advancing south toward Ivory Coast's principal city, Abidjan. France, while not directly involved in the mediation efforts does assist with the transport and protection of some participants. Mediators were reported as saying that the government of Ivory Coast President Laurent Gbagbo had agreed to negotiate once the ceasefire accord was in effect.

    On October 5, West African ministers left Yamoussoukro saying Ivory Coast officials had failed at the last minute to deliver their formal approval of the cease-fire accord. There was no immediate explanation from Ivory Coast government officials. The mediation team had arranged for rebels and government representatives to travel under the protection of French troops to a school north of Yamoussoukro for a signing ceremony Saturday. There, they waited the entire day Saturday for the government to deliver a document in which President Laurent Gbagbo would formally authorize a military officer here to sign the accord. At the end of the day, and with no document in hand, the ministers called off the signing ceremony and left the city.

    Ministers said they would not speculate on why the government had not delivered its approval Saturday. Some, however, expressed frustration and surprise. Mediators had originally scheduled the signing ceremony after rebel leaders had assured them they would support a cease-fire. The agreement would have committed both sides to lay down their weapons so they could begin peace negotiations. France which maintains strong economic interests in its former colony also expressed dismay at his action and urged the Ivorian leader to pursue dialogue with the insurgents.

    On October 8, differing reports were emerging over who was holding control of Bouake, with the Ivory Coast leader saying on state television saying that loyalist forces were still battling for control of Bouake. State media had reported that loyalist forces had recaptured the city that week, contradicting reports from residents and French military officials who had said the center of the city remained under rebel control. President Gbagbo also urged Ivorians to stop attacking members of Ivory Coast's large community of immigrant workers from neighboring countries, and also expressed his willingness to negotiate with rebels, if they disarm.

    The rebels were continuing to make progress, capturing the town of Vavoua, on the edge of Ivory Coast's rich cocoa-producing areas. The fighting was resulting in the world price of cocoa being pushed to a 16-year highs as Ivory Coast accounts for about 40 percent of the world's total cocoa production.

    On October 10, 2002, a Voice of America story reported that, after weeks of refusing to speak on the record, the political spokesman for the rebel Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast, had admitted that planning for the rebellion began two years prior, when Ivory Coast President Laurent Gbagbo, originally swept into power, defeating the country's former military ruler, General Robert Guei. The spokeman refused to disclose how many men make up the rebel group though he admitted that they all share a strong dislike for President Gbagbo who they charged had heavily manipulated the elections two years before (at the time the international community also condemned the elections as being flawed. During these elections, Ivory Coast's former prime minister, Alassane Ouattara -- a Muslim -- was barred from running on the controversial grounds that he was originally from neighboring Burkina Faso and therefore not an Ivorian. Because some leaders of the rebel group come from the same northern area as Mr. Ouattara, there has been speculation that he was behind the uprising). The spokesman claimed the rebels were patriots determined to capture Abidjan, overthrow the government, and organize new elections. He insisted that the group had no political connections, not even to General Guei, though he admitted that one of the group's demands was for all men who were once in the Ivorian army under General Guei to be reinstated immediately.

    On October 12, Senegal's Foreign Minister Cheik Tidiane Gadio emerged from a two-hour meeting with rebel commanders, saying he felt optimistic the new proposals he brought to them would be seriously considered. He did not provide details of those new proposals. But he said the rebels did not reject them and promised to study them before meeting the foreign minister again the following Sunday. The rebel commander told reporters after the talks that Mr. Gadio had offered nothing new as it was believed the proposals presented on behalf of ECOWAS contained some of the same clauses Ivory Coast's President Laurent Gbagbo rejected nearly a week before.

    Meanwhile, international aid agencies began warning of a looming humanitarian crisis. They estimated that up to 10-thousand people had, fearing renewed fighting, fled their homes in Ivory Coast's key cocoa-producing region with thousands more are pouring out of Bouake, whose local economy had collapsed, forcing people to leave in search of food. The U-N World Food Program said it feared that if calm was not restored soon to Ivory Coast, the situation could become similar to that in Africa's Great Lakes region, where the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and years of warfare in Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi have displaced large numbers of people.

    On October 13, Voice of America reported that residents in Daloa, about 400-kilometers northwest of Abidjan, had seen government forces flee the city after overnight clashes with rebel forces. They also said that some paramilitary police and other security forces loyal to the government had ripped off their uniforms as they fled so that they could not be identified. Once heavily-guarded government check-points in and around Daloa were said to be deserted. The fall of the city of 160-thousand was both a strategic and symbolic victory for the rebels, because the city lies in the heartland of President Gbagbo's Bete tribe, and was considered a government stronghold. Many members of Mr. Gbagbo's southern-based Bete tribe live on one side of town. The other side is home to the predominantly northern Dioulas, the ethnic group of most of the rebels. By then, it was reported that the rebels were in control of more than half the country, including most of the cocoa fields.

    The conflict was threatening to spread to other African countries. Ivorian military officials were reported as saying that troops, along with two T-55 Soviet-era tanks, from Angola had arrived in Abidjan to support government forces. Meanwhile, in a surprise move Saturday, President Gbagbo fired his defense minister, leaving the post vacant. Opinions differed on the logic underlying this move, with some fearing the president trying to take direct control of the army in a bid to wipe out the rebels once and for all while others were conjecturing this to be a way to find a solution to the crisis through the removal of the hardline defense minister, as demanded by the rebels.

    The United States announced that the once-prosperous and peaceful country was now in danger of a "meltdown", while the United Nations was warning of a large-scale humanitarian crisis spreading beyond Ivory Coast's borders.

    On October 14, the rebels announced the suspension of the talks, saying they would accept nothing less than the resignation of President Laurent Gbagbo. They also demanded that the Angolan troops leave, before any peace talks could resume. The Angolan government was denying that it had sent any troops to Ivory Coast.

    The unrest also triggered a mass exodus of West African immigrants. The border into neighboring Ghana was reported to be choked with busloads of people trying to flee.

    President Gbagbo repeated the claim in an interview published on October 14, in the French newspaper, Le Monde, Of foreign assistance to the rebels. The claim was not independently verified. He also complained that France was not taking him seriously when he had warned that neighboring Burkina Faso was accepting hundreds of disaffected Ivorian soldiers. Mr. Gbagbo charges these soldiers are the rebels who call themselves the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast, and were demanding his ouster.

    The United States was lending diplomatic support to peace efforts by ECOWAS, and its point man an in contacts with the Ivorian parties, Senegalese Foreign Minister Cheikh Tidiane Gadio.

    The government recaptured Daloa on October 15, and proceeded to conduct house-to-house searches, hunting for rebel soldiers. However, conflicting reports suggested the opposite with the rebels actually being the ones searching for government security forces.

    On October 17, Senegal's Foreign Minister Cheikh Tidiane Gadio emerged from the meeting confident that the government and the rebels had taken their first concrete step toward a peaceful resolution of the crisis. He said the agreement called for both sides to cease hostilities as of Friday morning. The rebels had also agreed to air their future grievances through direct talks between rebels and government representatives.

    In an October 18 statement to reporters here, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher stressed U-S support for the truce deal reached between the government of President Laurent Gbagbo and the rebels. However, he added that because the situation in the country remained "volatile" and "quite fluid," the State Department was ordering non-essential U-S personnel and the families of all embassy employees in Ivory Coast to leave. The evacuation order was accompanied by an official advisory to U-S citizens to avoid travel to Ivory Coast, and for private Americans already in the country to leave while space is still available on outgoing flights. The U-S travel warning said while Abidjan and other areas outside the zone of conflict may appear calm, the situation is "unpredictable." An official was reported as saying that the evacuation would reduce the U-S presence from about 200 embassy employees and family members down to about 40 staff members. Some non-essential personnel had already left the country under a voluntary departure plan authorized earlier. About 28-hundred U-S private citizens were said to be currently residing in or visiting Ivory Coast

    On October 22, hundreds of protesters broke through police lines and tried to bring down the gates of a French military base near the Abidjan airport. French troops forced them back by firing tear gas and stun grenades at the crowd. Demonstrators then took to the streets, throwing rocks and smashing the windows of cars belonging to Westerners or anyone else who, in the eyes of the demonstrators, appeared to be French. French authorities ordered all French schools closed, and French residents, who number in the tens-of-thousands in Ivory Coast, were put on alert. The demonstrators protested what some of them believed was France's decision to provide safe haven to opposition leader Alassane Ouattara, the main political adversary to President Laurent Gbagbo. Demonstrators chanting anti-French slogans demanded that the French hand over Mr. Ouattara. French troops had recently deployed around the rebel zones to monitor a cease-fire that was signed by the rebels and the government the previous Thursday. State-sponsored media had for weeks been critical of the French and their involvement in the country. The criticism eased after President Gbagbo went on state television last week and thanked the French for their assistance.

    At an October 23 closed-door meeting in Abidjan, members of a six-nation contact group of West African mediators praised both sides for adhering to a cease-fire that has stopped hostilities. French troops monitoring the accord would soon be replaced by troops from nations of ECOWAS. At the end of the meeting, the Togolese leader called on western nations to help. The first negotiations to a peaceful settlement would, it was announved, be held in Togo. No date has been set. Togo was chosen as the site of the negotiations because it would provide a neutral setting for the discussions. West African leaders, the week before, picked Togolese President Gnassingbe Eyadema to be the coordinator of the mediation efforts. The mediators also agreed to deploy a multi-national West African force of about two-thousand cease-fire monitors in Ivory Coast, possibly over the following two-weeks. A number of West African nations volunteered to send troops to Ivory Coast. They included Benin, Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, and Togo. Officials said the largest contingent would be from Senegal. Prospects of a West African deployment is causing unease among many Ivorians, who believe the conflict should be resolved internally.

    Rebels leaders meanwhile were in the process of choosing governors to administer services to people in territories under their control. The rebels said their decision to start an administration was meant to return life to normal for the thousands of people in the areas they control.Rebels also began radio and television broadcasts from their stronghold in the city of Bouake. The move angered government officials, who accused the insurgents of illegally taking over state-owned broadcasting facilities and airing anti-government messages.

    It was announced on October 28, that a delegation of rebel leaders was already in the Togolese capital, Lome, for the first face-to-face meeting with Ivory Coast government officials. The rebel delegation was composed of six members, including Guillaume Soro, the insurgent group's Executive Secretary. West African mediators said a government delegation was to travel that Tuesday to Lome. The two delegations met on October 30 at the home of the Togolese President and later at a hotel in the capital of Togo. Simultaneously, both rebels and foreign military sources began claiming that the Ivory Coast government had brought in a contingent of mercenary fighters from another African nation. A government spokesman said he could not confirm or deny the reports.

    At the end of the second day of negotiations, the delegations issued a joint statement outlining a basic agenda of how the discussions will proceed. Both sides agreed in principle to abstain from carrying out summary executions, revenge killings and hiring of mercenaries all in the interest of making conditions in Ivory Coast favorable to dialogue and reconciliation. The head of a West African team of mediators, Mohammed Ibn Chambas said much progress has been made in the two days of talks. Although mediators reported progress, the negotiators had yet to touch on the thorniest of issues, including the rebels' demands for Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo's resignation and the government's calls for rebels to disarm. In their initial discussions, the two sides agreed to address the rebels' reintegration into the army and other side issues before discussing the rebels' political demands.

    The agreement commits the government to push through laws granting amnesty for renegade soldiers who are imprisoned or in exile. The government also agreed to reintegrate rebels into the army. For their part, rebels agreed to open a humanitarian corridor through areas of north and central Ivory Coast that are under their control.

    On November 4, rebel leaders said they would not go back to talks, unless the Ivory Coast government assured them it would listen to what they said were their most important demands. These included the resignation of President Laurent Gbagbo and the holding of new elections. They later agreed to return to negotiations. Both sides repeatedly warned they were not willing to compromise on the key issues and vowed to resume fighting if the talks in Togo failed.

    The rebels on Novermber 8 hinted they might pull out of negotiations, after accusing government security forces of killing the brother of one of their leaders, the rebel group's external coordinator. Rebel leaders said the body was found riddled with bullets on the outskirts of Ivory Coast's main city, Abidjan. Louis Dacoury-Tabley is a former political ally of Ivory Coast President Laurent Gbagbo. Living in exile in Paris, he announced his support for the rebels only the previous Wednesday. The government said it would investigate the killing.

    The following day, reble leaders announced their decision to temporarily suspend the negotiations late Saturday, accusing the government of President Laurent Gbagbo of creating an atmosphere of terror in Ivory Coast while the talks were under way. Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast rebel group told reporters in Lome Saturday the insurgents remained open to restarting the talks, but that they would not do so until the government agreed to stop committing what he said are atrocities against political opponents and others. West African mediators who brokered the talks issued a statement Saturday, condemning the killing of Benoit Dacoury-Tabley. Talks later resumed but remained stalled on a number of issues including the demand that President Laurent Gbadbo resign from office and new elections be held.

    Meanwhile, neighboring countries were taking measures to repatriate their nationals. Thus, the government of Mali launched a program to repatriate thousands of its nationals who have asked to leave. Burkina Faso took a similar measure later, sending convoys of buses to pick up hundreds of Burkinabe immigrant workers. Nigeria also launched an evacuation program. Many of those leaving have reportedly said they had been the victims of attacks by government security forces.

    In the meantime, a peacekeeping force was being readied to replace the French troops. The West African force would be led by Senegal and include troops from Benin, Ghana, Niger, and Togo. The deployment would be financed by Western nations, including the United States and France.

    On November 19, President Gbagbo told business leaders he was willing to hold a referendum the following year in which people would decide whether to amend the constitution. The rebels rejected the offer as it had not been offered to them and they believed the president's comments had been intended to appease the business community in Ivory Coast. Since the offer had not been put on paper and presented at the negotiations, the rebels would not consider it.

    Entering their fourth week, little progress had taken place in the talks. However, the insurgents, seemed to have softened their position, not specifically mentioning in their proposal draft the ouster of the President, but merely the establishment of a new political order. As well, in their draft, the rebels called on the government to address the issue of nationality, which has long divided the country.

    The colonial power, France, was meanwhile being criticized on both sides for its role in the conflict. Government supporters criticized it for harboring opposition politician Alassane Ouattara in the French Embassy in Abidjan and failing to honor an old agreement that France would intervene militarily if the Ivory Coast was threatened by foreign forces (President Gbagbo has suggested the rebels were being helped by Burkina Faso; something that France rejected, claiming the conflict to be a purely internal affair). On the other hand, the rebels were angry that French troops in the Ivory Coast had effectively stopped their march to southern parts of the country.

    Government forces, on November 30, launched an assault to try and retake the rebel-held western town of Man and Danane. Man is in the heart of Ivory Coast's coffee-growing region, which is surrounded by tall grass and trees in a forested region, and is known as the Land of the 18 Mountains. Danane lies near the Liberian border, and had long been home to thousands of Liberian refugees who had gone there to escape that country's successive rebel conflicts. The cities of Man and Danane had been taken over the previous week by a new rebel faction that had emerged, independent of the Mouvement Patriotique de Côte-d’Ivoire. The new faction claimed its aim was to avenge the September assassination of former military ruler General Robert Guei, a member of Ivory Coast's western Yacouba ethnic group. Ivory Coast Yacoubas have close cultural ties to people of the Gio tribe in neighboring Liberia, and the latest fighting has involved combatants from that country.

    The French military as a result proceeded to evacuate foreigners from rebel held western towns and announced it would begin withdrawing troops from that part of the country, as government forces advanced to retake the area. The foreign nationals were evacuated to Abidjan from Man airport, which the French took control of from rebels after a long battle Saturday, during which one junior officer was wounded. The French soldiers were ambushed by rebels as they drove toward Man airport.

    Reports were emerging about the possible use of foreign mercenaries in support of government forces during that operation. French military personnel confirmed that loyalist forces had retaken the airport at Man. The new rebel group later claimed that government force had attacked the western town of Toulepleu near the Liberian border. A spokesman for the rebel faction said government forces used helicopter gunships to attack targets in the town. Military officials confirmed they had launched an offensive to take back the town, which had been captured by rebels the week priork. The government said it had pushed into Touleplu after a battle to recapture the city of Man.

    By then it was emerging that there were in fact two new groups, each distinct from the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast. A spokesman for one of the new rebel factions said his group was seeking to join forces with the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast. The M-P-C-I's Louis Dacoury-Tabley said his group had had no contact with the new rebel group, but did not rule out the possible establishment of an alliance that would have a common aim: the ouster of President Laurent Gbagbo.

    On December 6, it was reported that French soldiers in Ivory Coast had discovered in an area of western Ivory Coast known as Monoko-Zoy a mass grave believed to contain the bodies of victims killed in ongoing fighting between loyalists and rebels in the west of the country. They did not know whether the bodies were those of combatants or civilians. Villagers led the French troops to a large mound of dirt in the bush. The mound was about 30 meters long and two meters high, with body parts sticking out of the pile. The villagers also pointed to a nearby water well, where they indicated that more corpses may have been dumped. It was not clear how many bodies were in the mass grave, or who put them there. The grave is about 70 kilometers west of Daloa, near the town of Pelezi. The town has been the scene of heavy fighting between loyalist forces backed by foreign mercenaries against rebels. Local residents estimated the grave to contain more than 100 bodies.

    On December 7, the MPCI's announced they had petitioned the International Court of Justice to investigate. Ivory Coast's government was denying any involvement in the incident and an official inquiry had yet to begin. French military officers who are part of a buffer force in the area, said it was not part of their mandate as peacekeepers to probe the matter. In response to the mass grace, officials of the London-based human rights group Amnesty International the following Monday dispatched a team to the rebel-held areas of northern Ivory Coast, and said a visit to the gravesite was likely be on the agenda. Amnesty's mission was to focus on alleged atrocities committed in rebel-held territory. The group dispatched a team in October to check on the human rights situation in government-held areas. As of early December, a report had not been released yet.

    Meanwhile, Ivorian Defense Minister Bertin Kadet, announced a general mobilization, starting on Tuesday, to crush the rebellion, and called on all Ivorian men between the ages of 20 and 26 to report to the army. But the plan appeared to fall apart Tuesday, when army officials said they had not been provided with any recruitment supplies, such as uniforms, registration papers, or a comprehensive plan on how to process the new recruits. Angry and frustrated, hundreds of would-be recruits marched to the presidential palace to protest. The chaotic start of the recruitment drive came as Ivorians expressed growing frustration over what some say is the government's failure to organize a concerted effort to end the rebellion.

    On December 11, France announced it would step up its involvement in efforts to stop the escalating rebel conflict in Ivory Coast. French foreign ministry officials France would immediately boost its troop presence in the West African country to 25-hundred personnel. The announcement came as fighting continued to escalate and ongoing peace negotiations, under way in Togo between the government and rebels, appeared to be on the verge of collapse. France already had more than one-thousand troops serving as a buffer force between the rebel held north of Ivory Coast and the government-controlled south. In addition to sending more troops, French foreign ministry officials said France was willing to host a new round of discussions to end Ivory Coast's 12-week-old conflict.

    Rebels with the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast announced they were launching a recruitment effort as they prepared for what they said will be a major offensive if ongoing peace negotiations with the government fail. The insurgents said they were recruiting all men between the ages of 21 and 35 in the territories they control.

    UNHCR officials announced they had received unconfirmed reports from Liberian refugees in western Ivory Coast that the government had been recruiting them to fight against the rebels. Similar reports had been heard earlier regarding rebel recruitment of refugees in the same part of the country.

    About 500 French troops were expected to arrive the week of December 16, to reinforce the roughly 12-hundred French soldiers already on the ground in Ivory Coast. The first contingent of roughly 150 paratroopers arrived in Abidjan late December 14 and deployed to the north and west of the country Sunday. A rebel spokesman accused the French of siding with the government in the conflict. But the French Foreign Minister denied that allegation, telling a French newspaper France's only goal is to support the truce and provide stability in its former colony. France also offered to host a new round of peace talks in Paris, and has invited most of the West African leaders meeting in Togo to attend.

    Meanwhile, senior officials from the African Development Bank were meeting separately in the capital of Ghana to discuss the impact of the Ivory Coast crisis on the bank's operations. The bank has denied reports that it is thinking of moving its headquarters out of Abidjan

    A hastily arranged meeting in Dakar, Senegal, on December 18, was supposed to be a heads-of-state summit of the regional group ECOWAS. But early reports suggested that most of the regional leaders had decided to skip the summit.

    On December 19, it was announced and confirmed that rebels from the Ivorian Popular Movement for the Far West, or MPIGO, had overrun the strategic town of Man less than two days after launching a three-pronged attack on government forces there.

    The Dakar meeting resulted in the decision to deploy a force of about 1,500 troops, and led by a Senegalese, to Ivory Coast by the end of the year. The ECOWAS force were originally supposed to replace the French troops already deployed in Ivory Coast. But it now appears they will work side-by-side. simultaneously, France announced it would be sending another 300 paratroopers to enforce the tattered cease-fire in its former colony. A French transport ship was scheduled to dock in Ivory Coast by the end of the following week, carrying the 300 French soldiers, as well as helicopters and light armored vehicles.

    On December 20, it was announced that rebels from the Ivorian Popular Movement for the Far West, or MPIGO, had taken control of the town of Bangolo in the west of the country, which is just 40 kilometers south of the strategic city of Man. Residents were reported as saying many of the fighters patrolling in Man were English-speaking and believed to be Liberian. French troops have set up base in the town of Duekoue, another 40 kilometers south of Bangolo. French commanders in the area said they did not intend to let the rebel forces move past the Sassandra river, which lies further south from Duekoue, halfway to the key cocoa town of Daloua. The rebels have vowed to press on until they have conquered the entire country. But it seems unlikely that they would prevail against heavily armed, battle-hardened French Legionnaires.

    Rebels in Ivory Coast clashed with French on December 21. The clashes erupted just north of the town of Duekoue, where the French troops had set up a major base. Rebels from the Ivorian Popular Movement for the Far West, or MPIGO, were advancing south from the city of Man. The battle with the French Saturday was close enough to Duekoue that residents of the town said they could hear gunshots and artillery.

    As a result, it was reported that the three rebel factions in Ivory Coast were preparing to meet on December 23 to discuss the increased involvement of French troops in blocking their attempt to overthrow the Ivorian government. The meeting would take place in Bouake between the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast, or MPCI, the Popular Movement of the Far West, or MPIGO, and the Movement for Justice and Peace which is also active in the west. The three Ivory Coast rebel factions later announced they would consider any future French attacks on their fighters to be an act of war.

    On December 25, the president of Ivory Coast announced a new 10-point peace plan he hoped will end the country's three month old civil war. Before officially releasing it to the public, the Ivorian leader sent representatives to brief UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, as well as the presidents of France, Senegal and Togo all key players in attempts to negotiate a political solution to the crisis. According to draft copies of the plan seen by news agencies, Mr. Gbagbo was proposing a new government of national unity, and a referendum on three issues important to the rebels eligibility for the presidency, land ownership laws, and nationality. But the rebels' key demand that President Gbagbo step down and call new elections was not part of his plan.

    After the cease fire agreement on 03 May 2003, the protagonists agreed to establish a " confidence zone" to be monitored by Licorne and MICECI (ECOWAS force) in the context of the mission set out in UN Resolution 1464.

    In September 2003 the political dispute in Ivory Coast appeared to be deepening, as some rebels are calling for independence for the part of the country they occupy. This followed the withdrawal of the main rebel group from the government of national reconciliation. The rebels accused President Gbagbo of delaying implementation of the agreement, trying to put his political allies in key positions, and other violations. The president has also made insults that have been broadcast on national television, calling the former rebels, "kids with pistols and houseboys". But Mr. Soro's men, who now call themselves the New Forces, control 60-percent of the country, and the people within those areas have largely thrown their support behind them.

    The European Union responded to the signing of the peace agreement by saying it would resume financial support to Ivory Coast. But when the deal failed to deliver stability, the EU withdrew its commitment. A meeting of seven West African heads of state in mid-November 2003 convened to breathe new life into the peace process, proved inconclusive. The New Forces rebels who control the northern half of the country, were brought into a government of reconciliation in March. But they dropped out several months later, accusing President Gbagbo of violating the peace agreement. Mr. Gbagbo himself has made a number of public statements recently, casting serious doubt on his commitment to the accord.

    The United Nations, which sent military observers to Ivory Coast, has decided to extend and expand their mandate on the grounds that the country "continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security in the region." The UN Security Council voted 13 November 2003 to increase the number of military observers and authorized them to remain in the country until February 2004.

    On 29 February 2004 the UN Security Council has agreed to send a peacekeeping force of more than 6,000 troops to Cote d'Ivoire to supervise the disarmament of rebel forces and presidential elections due in October 2005. The council voted unanimously in favour of creating the new peacekeeping force on Friday after the United States dropped its earlier opposition to the proposal. The UN Operation in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI) formally came into existence on April 4 for an initial period of 12 months. It replaced the existing UN mission in Cote d’Ivoire, known by its French acronym MINUCI, which included a handful of military liaison officers.

    France made clear that its 4,000 troops in Cote d’Ivoire will not become part of the UN peacekeeping force.
    "Every man has his weakness. Mine was always just cigarettes."
Working...
X