troung

Dated but is about the deaths of the 1er RPIMa commandos...

06/19/06 11:46


NA Ill-Equipped To Face Stronger Taliban

By GREG GRANT


Nearly five years into a counterinsurgency war in Afghanistan, Taliban insurgents there are regaining strength. Their springtime offensive has launched bolder and bigger attacks by far larger forces than anything seen since 2001, at a time when the U.S. government is trying to reduce its involvement in Afghanistan.
The insurgency’s strength was demonstrated May 20, when a well-organized insurgent force ambushed a 175-man battalion of Afghans supported by French and U.S. advisers in southern Afghanistan’s Helmand province. Two French special forces advisers and 16 Afghan soldiers were killed in a six-hour running gun battle.
The firefight raises questions about the American commitment to train and supply the fledgling Afghan National Army, whose end-strength goal was recently scaled back from 70,000 troops to 50,000. The Afghan soldiers rode in unarmored trucks without heavy weapons, body armor, radios or even sufficient ammunition.
“We’ve tried to produce an army on the cheap,” said Vance Serchuck, a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute who just returned from Afghanistan and on-site assessment of the Afghan National Army (ANA). “Once you build it, you have to stay and continue making the investment.”
Afghan Assembly Member Khalid Pashtoon said the Afghan Army suffers from severe equipment shortages and an American training effort that emphasizes numbers over quality and has rushed inexperienced soldiers to the battlefield.
“The Taliban love to fight the ANA,” said Pashtoon, who is deputy chairman of the Parliament’s Internal Security Committee. Units in northern Afghanistan, which include substantial numbers of battle-hardened former mujahadin fighters, are exceptions, he said, but in general, “for them [the Taliban], it’s a pleasure to see the ANA.”
Pashtoon said some units in the Kandahar area have suffered from 60 percent desertion. “Volunteers see their fellow soldiers dying for $100 a month; they ask, ‘why?’ and leave.”
He said that the Afghan Army, currently numbering 30,000 troops, is spread too thin, particularly in the southern provinces bordering Pakistan, where fighting in recent months has killed more than 400 insurgents, soldiers and civilians.
With Army patrols limited to the major towns and cities, large groups of Taliban fighters have easily infiltrated into Afghanistan’s rural vastness.
Serchuk said the U.S. government is still living off the success of the first two years of fighting in Afghanistan and hopes to reduce its presence. “The fact that the security situation has gotten worse has not caught up with the ANA building process.”
The Enemy’s Stronghold
In recent months, the former Taliban heartland of Helmand has seen bold attacks on thinly spread coalition troops and Afghan security forces at isolated and widely scattered bases. One of them took place near the village of Kajaki in northern Helmand.
In early May, a 175-man Afghan Army battalion, along with two U.S. soldiers and advisers from France’s elite 1st Marine Parachute Infantry Regiment, was sent to establish an outpost near a river dam a few miles upstream from Kajaki.
Government control had all but disappeared in the area. Insurgent checkpoints along the area’s main highway, Route 611, had made the crumbling single lane of blacktop too dangerous for coalition vehicles.
The impoverished area had become a fertile recruiting ground for the Taliban, who had joined in recent months with armed opium traffickers to wage open war on government security forces and their collaborators, said U.S. Army Capt. Clay Grant, one of two U.S. advisers working with the Afghan battalion. Many people suspected of working with the Americans, including teachers and officials, had been executed.
On May 17, Taliban guerrillas attacked the district police headquarters in Musa Qala, a village some two dozen miles west of Kajaki. Staff Sgt. Jeffrey Kramlich, another of the American advisers, listened to the desperate radio calls from the village police chief, who said his small detachment was surrounded and taking heavy fire.
The following day, the top U.S. officer in Afghanistan released a statement about the skirmish. Maj. Gen. Benjamin Freakley said insurgents had killed 16 Afghan police, wounded 20 more, and torched the police headquarters. But Freakley also praised the Afghan National Police, saying that they had killed 60 guerrillas and wounded 20 more as they “rapidly responded to drive them out with great success.”
But to Grant, Kramlich and the rest holed up in mud-walled dwellings near Kajaki dam, it was clear that the insurgents retained their fighting force.
The next day, 200 to 300 of the Musa Qala guerrillas arrived in Kajaki, where they told the people to leave or be killed. Hundreds of villagers promptly packed up what belongings they could and fled toward Kandahar.
“We went down to the village to see for ourselves, and it was like a parade, donkeys and carts, the whole village was emptying,” said Kramlich.
The insurgents were now positioned between Grant’s unit and the nearest friendly forces — at Forward Operating Base Robinson, 30 miles to the south. In their cluster of mud huts, the Americans, the French and the Afghan commanders took stock of the situation. With too little firepower to hold off a large attack, they decided to withdraw to Robinson.
Preparing To Evacuate
To help the advisers and the Afghan battalion withdraw, Robinson commanders dispatched troops in five up-armored Hum-vees and five Afghan Army pickup trucks. The plan called for the American and French advisers, along with Afghan soldiers, to meet the convoy halfway and cover its approach to the camp.
But the convoy arrived early. On the morning of May 19, Kramlich said, an Afghan interpreter burst into Grant’s command post and shouted, “Your convoy is under attack!”
The Americans and the French special forces soldiers grabbed their weapons and jumped into their vehicles. When they arrived at the ambush site, three Afghan pickups were already ablaze and the remainder were under heavy fire. As the convoy limped toward the dam compound, the coalition troops recovered two wounded Americans and the body of one Afghan soldier.
Later that day, a medevac chopper flew in for the three and departed.
After dark, guerrillas probed the position, firing from the shadows. A sense of doom pervaded the small force as they prepared to withdraw to Robinson. “We had a feeling they were just waiting for us,” Grant said.
At first light, Grant, Kramlich and 10 other U.S. soldiers climbed into six up-armored Humvees. Two of the vehicles mounted .50-caliber machine guns, the unit’s heaviest weapons.
Seven French special forces advisers rode in three Ford pickups; lacking armor, they draped protective vests over the truck doors. About 175 Afghan soldiers piled into 23 more Fords; they had neither vests nor heavy weapons.
At 5:45 a.m., the long column evacuated the compound. The plan was to withdraw to Robinson overland through the desert, avoiding insurgent-controlled Route 611.
Ambushed
But the column was on the road for only five minutes before machine-gun rounds and rocket-propelled grenades ripped into the convoy, fired from insurgents hidden in roadside buildings and fields, Kramlich said. At an intersection, two U.S. Humvees and two Afghan National Army trucks made the correct turn into the desert onto the planned route. But everyone else missed it — and headed down Route 611.
Kramlich, in the second group, quickly realized the mistake. But the incoming fire was too fierce to stop and turn around, so they continued on. But the Taliban kill zone went on and on, a miles-long gauntlet of machine-gun, AK-47 and RPG rounds.
“It was just continuous fire the whole time,” Kramlich said. “There were little villages all along 611, every time we hit one it would start up again, every little village opened up on us.”
The Afghan soldiers said even women were firing at the column. They’d never heard of that before. The insurgents fired from buildings constructed from thick mud-brick walls, impervious to small arms.
The convoy began to break up further. Some of the Afghan soldiers dismounted and sought higher ground to fight back — as they had been trained to do. “But in that situation that was a bad thing, because they didn’t want to come back to their vehicles,” which were under heavy fire, Kramlich said.
Ten Afghan soldiers became trapped, unable to get back to their trucks — and unable to call the rest of the convoy for help. With just three or four magazines apiece, they soon began to run low on ammunition.
Trying to Regroup
Unaware, Grant and the rest of the convoy continued on.
“There were enemy everywhere,” Grant recalled. “They were on the high ground; it seemed like two or three hundred enemy fighters.”
Radio set in one hand, .50-caliber trigger in the other, the American adviser tried to get everyone off 611 and out of the kill zone. But it was maddeningly difficult to coordinate a convoy whose members spoke at least three native tongues.
Grant did manage to reach someone who could send air support, and soon every available aircraft was on its way to the embattled unit, according to British Air Commodore Mark Swan, who commands coalition aircraft in Afghanistan. Two aircraft were overhead within minutes, and eventually 12 coalition jets, including a B-1 bomber, were on station. But in the chaotic firefight, civilians and fighters were intermixed, and combatants were at times separated by only a few yards. Grant was unable to fix targets for the aircraft, and so they dropped no bombs.
The Humvees’ armor proved a stout defense, but the small-arms fire began to pick apart the unarmored pickups of the French and Afghan troops. A bullet tore through the side door of one French truck, went through the knee of the soldier in the passenger seat and struck and killed the driver. The vehicle flipped over.
Bullets riddled the windshield of another French truck, fatally wounding the driver in the chest. That vehicle also flipped, spilling the colonel who commanded the French detachment.
Within a half-hour of leaving the base, all three French vehicles were disabled, and six Afghan trucks were set ablaze. The dead French soldiers were left behind in the kill zone. So were their trucks, several of which contained the highly sensitive Blue Force Tracker, a digital command-and-control system that shows the location of friendly units.
British Apache attack helicopters would eventually be sent to destroy the gear with Hellfire missiles.
The French colonel and a small group of Afghan soldiers eventually fought their way clear of Route 611 and fled to a hilltop out in the desert, where they held out, their ammunition rapidly dwindling.
Grant and another group of survivors found them there. Still under fire, a French medic joined by Kramlich, a medic by training, did what they could for the large number of wounded. The Afghan soldiers were the toughest troops Kramlich had ever seen.
“Unless you see blood dripping, they won’t come to you and say, ‘I’ve been hit.’ As long as they’re still moving, they won’t say anything,” he said.
For more than an hour, Grant and Kramlich drove between the hilltop and the ambush zone on Route 611, rounding up stragglers. Eventually, the survivors piled into the available vehicles, which limped into the security of Robinson around noon. It was only then that Grant learned that the group of Afghan soldiers had been left behind on Route 611.
Left Behind
Grant dispatched helicopters and at least one Predator drone to the grid coordinates where he thought they might be, but they spotted nothing.
Villagers later reported that the Afghan soldiers fell back into some houses and were quickly surrounded. They fought off their attackers for two to three hours, until their magazines were empty. The Taliban tortured some of them with acid. The bodies were mutilated: eyes gouged out, ears and noses cut off. At least two were beheaded.
Days after the battle, Grant remained bitter. The veteran trainer felt that there was too little effort made to rescue the Afghan troops.
“If there had been reports of 10 Americans or French pinned down, surrounded and running out of ammunition, there would have been a hell of a lot more effort to go looking for them than just some overflights.”
Grant said the Afghan soldiers were ill-equipped and short of ammunition and gear. “They’re always used in the most dangerous roles, but they don’t get any of the credit. They’re used as cannon fodder a lot of times, and it’s not right.”
Kramlich praised the French special forces soldiers, but he said they were too lightly equipped for a toe-to-toe battle with the heavily armed Taliban. “They didn’t have the equipment they needed,” he said. “If they would have been in up-armoreds that day and had crew-served weapons, they would still be here, and would have done much better.”
U.S. officials at Kandahar said the ambush on Route 611 was under investigation and declined to comment. No official statement has been released about the battle.
French special forces soldiers present at the battle were asked to comment, but they were told not to talk to the media.
The week after the ambush, the French special forces at Kandahar were loaned six U.S. up-armored Humvees. The Afghan National Army soldiers continue to drive around in un-armored Ford pick-up trucks. •
Andrew Chuter contributed to this report from London, and Vago Muradian and Pierre Tran from Paris.

__________________
To sit down with these men and deal with them as the representatives of an enlightened and civilized people is to deride ones own dignity and to invite the disaster of their treachery - General Matthew Ridgway

Francois

Sorry for a late reply, I don't come often here, and first time in the part actually.
Better PM me if you want to get my attention, np.
I had a discussion with Gal not long time ago.
You have to understand that France will follow if the governement believes that it will achieve something on the overall picture.
The war against Iraq had no obvious interrest for the world peace at that time.
The war against terror had and still has one, definitively.

What you can see with all the above, it that France has been the second contributor to the WOT after the US.
Before Aussie and the brits.
Now, you have a lot of journalos, pushed by racist and other obscure reasons, and relayed by ppl like pdf27 and others, that will try to destroy the image of this country.

Now, we now have three M2KD + two KC135FR + C160s in rotation in North Afgan, plus army on the ground, and our involvement in the CTFs in the IO has not ceased since.

Why the small number?
Because it is enough.
We can send the whole air force also, but it is not needed.
If a bigger need appears, more planes/soldiers/ships will follow.
To shoot ten guys, why bring one zillion weapons?
French do not believe in overkill, which is rather an anglo-saxon approach.
Finally, to much asset costs too much, and our budget is not Pentagone's budget.

The reason the special forces were removed are out of the scope of this forum, unfortunatly, but other troops have been sent instead.
Look at the re-deployment of US and its allies military in the region, you may understand something.

I will tell you:
Give French a good reason, and some free space, and they will follow you.
At least, the US-MIL is starting to aknowledge that.

Now, you know, when the WOT started, suddenly everybody became aware of the Taliban's exactions.
I will tell you, in 1990, the year I was graduated, in the subways, you could see huge ads against the talibans and for helping the women forced to wear the burkah. I am not kidding.

xerxes

in the 1990s or in the year 1990 ,,,

because in the year 1990, taliban had no strong power yet, infact the communist regimein kabul was still strong. could you clarify, please

__________________
If we contrast the rapid progress of this mischievous discovery of gunpowder with the slow and laborious advances of reason, science, and the arts of peace, a philosopher, according to his temper, will laugh or weep at the folly of mankind. - Edward Gibbon

Porky

Yeah that's right, the talibs were artificiallly inseminated into A'stan by the P'stanis later.

__________________
"No time for the old in-out, love, I've just come to read the meter."

Francois

Circa 1990. The year I graduated.
Afganistan and women in burkha, the image is still very strong.
Ok, was maybe not against talibans, but was against the mis-treating of these women for sure.

Officer of Engineers

Because it is not enough, especially where it is not safe. The French are doing great work but a company or two charging to the Canadians rescue at where the fighting is would be greatly effective and appreciated.

__________________
Chimo

xerxes

burkha has been customary to Afghansitan long before Islam came there ... thought the Taliban put severe restriction on other alternative ... Burkha has been there for long time .... infact, if memory serves, the Soviets when they controlled Afghanistan introduce a lot of freedom for women ... however in 1978 or 1979, a uprising broke out, and the Afghans broke into a Soviet compounds and cut the Soviet advisors and their familly into pieces ... because of the Soviet introduction of no restriction for women, which the ethnic afghan found insulting

for some reason, today the West propoganda machine is trying the link burkha to Taliban, as if it was a Taliban invention. thereby touching the hearts and mind of western people, who would be disgusted by these things ... Dr. Goebelles would be proud ....

Francois

Burkah are not necessarily connected to Talibans, but definitively to islam.
Afganistan has a long islamist history.

Publius_

Francois, it may be a stupid question, but are you from France?

Francois

I am French indeed, even I left my country in 1999.

troung

France to step up Afghan commitment
France to step up Afghan commitment
Peter O'Neil, CanWest Europe Bureau, CanWest News Service Published: Thursday, November 15, 2007
Story Tools

PARIS -- France is looking to step up its efforts in Afghanistan, but will likely stop short of any major commitment to replace Canada's troops in Kandahar, an official said here Thursday.

There has been some speculation in the Canadian media suggesting that France might provide relief for countries like Canada, which must decide what role it will play after its current commitment is met in early 2009.

But Frederic Desagneaux, deputy spokesman for French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, sought to lower expectations that the French might relieve the Canadians.

"I wouldn't go as far as that," he told CanWest News Service on the eve of today's meeting here between Mr. Kouchner and Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Maxime Bernier.

He said France, following through on President Nicolas Sarkozy's commitment to remain fully committed Afghanistan, has already taken steps to increase its involvement.

The French military has moved six Mirage fighter jets to Kandahar to support NATO troops. It has also expanded efforts to train Afghanistan's military.

"So our effort is increasing," he said. "We are really eager to contribute as much as we can to the comprehensive efforts by NATO in the context of Operation Enduring Freedom."

Canada has been pressuring allies such as Germany and France, which have troops in relatively peaceful areas such as Kabul, to share more of the heavy -- and dangerous -- load in southern Afghanistan.

France currently has roughly 2,000 soldiers in Afghanistan on security and reconstruction missions, most placed in and around relatively safe Kabul.

But the French government is sensitive to the criticism and has privately noted that France -- with roughly double Canada's population -- is doing more than its share globally with an estimated 10,500 troops on NATO- and European Union-mandated missions in the Balkans, the Middle East and Africa.

"Our effort is increasing; we are really eager to contribute as much as we can to the comprehensive efforts by NATO in the context of the Operation Enduring Freedom."

But Mr. Desagneaux balked when asked if France would consider, for instance, moving its troops from Kabul to Taliban-infested Kandahar in the country's south.

"You must consider that France is also heavily or very actively engaged on overseas fields," he said.

"We are reinforcing our presence in Afghanistan, we are open to many new possibilities. But it must be considered against this general context of the French military engagements overseas, which are very, very broad."

Mr. Desagneaux said the two ministers will discuss international hotspots such as Iran, Pakistan, Darfur, Myanmar and the Middle East. Bilateral issues on the table include celebrations next year to mark the 400th anniversary of the founding of Quebec City.

Mr. Kouchner, co-founder of the international aid group Doctors Without Borders, was a Socialist party supporter in the 2007 French presidential elections.

But he was recruited by the right-of-centre Mr. Sarkozy as part of a broader attempt to broaden the new government's coalition and public appeal.

Mr. Kouchner has been controversial as foreign minister, using the word "war" while discussing options to deal with Iran.

We will negotiate until the end. And at the same time we must prepare ourselves ... for the worst," he said.

"The worst, it's war ..."

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troung

France weighs expanding role on the ground

DOUG SAUNDERS

Globe and Mail Update

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November 13, 2007 at 8:20 AM EST

PARIS — Among Canadian officials and NATO leaders worried about an Afghanistan war that is falling short of soldiers, France has become a last great hope.

Because the Netherlands and Canada, two of the four countries holding down the conflict-scarred south of Afghanistan, are suffering large-scale casualties and are considering withdrawing their soldiers from the United Nations-mandated North Atlantic Treaty Alliance war in Afghanistan, pressure has fallen on the French to make up the loss -- and to provide a military partner that might encourage those countries to stay involved.

Since conservative President Nicolas Sarkozy was elected president in June, the French have entered a heated discussion on the possibility of building their role in Afghanistan, and military and diplomatic officials have taken this as a signal that France might provide much-needed extra forces in the war. In expectation, Canada has recently given its embassy in Paris a role in Afghanistan-related matters.

It could be a difficult mission. In interviews, senior French government officials say that a larger military role might be possible -- but it won't likely happen soon, and it will probably be part of a larger strategy to remake NATO and European military forces to be less reliant on the United States.
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* Complete coverage: Canada's Mission in Afghanistan

The Globe and Mail

"There is a willingness, and we're very clear on that, to have a stronger involvement in Afghanistan,"said Eric Chevalier, a senior adviser to foreign minister Bernard Kouchner. "But the question of having more troops is only one piece of a stronger involvement, and we're looking at it …. We are also pushing for a more coherent approach from the international community on Afghanistan."

France currently has about 1,100 of the 40,000 NATO soldiers in Afghanistan, most of them in command of the region of Kabul, the capital. By agreement, none of them are to be involved in combat operations. In addition, since Mr. Sarkozy came to power, it has committed a group of fighter-bombers to support ground troops in Afghanistan, and has added 50 troops to train Afghan counterinsurgency forces.

While this is small compared to the 2,500 Canadian or 3,500 British NATO troops fighting there, France already has large NATO and UN military commitments in Kosovo, Lebanon, the Ivory Coast and elsewhere. And Mr. Sarkozy's government is torn between its pledge to renew NATO and its equally strong desire to build a European Union defence force independent of NATO.

Since the late 1960s, France has not been part of NATO's military command, which it has seen as being unduly influenced by the U.S. Officials have also raised hopes that it will fully rejoin the organization.

In Washington last week, Mr. Sarkozy raised expectations that France might play a larger role in Afghanistan during a speech to both U.S. houses of Congress in which he spoke of closer ties between the countries.

"France will remain engaged in Afghanistan as long as it takes, because what's at stake in that country is the future of our values and that of the Atlantic alliance," he said, contradicting an election promise to withdraw France's troops from Afghanistan.

Mr. Sarkozy also suggested that France might soon be playing a full role in NATO: "The more successful we are in the establishment of a European defence, the more France will be resolved to resume its full role in NATO."

Within NATO, these remarks were taken to mean that France will increase its forces in Afghanistan, and perhaps enter active combat, assisting the Canadian, Dutch, British and U.S. troops who are currently holding down the country's conflict-ridden south.

But some French observers said that such an expectation would be unrealistic, and that it might be enough for France simply to stay in Afghanistan.

"My interpretation is that 'greater commitment' means that in the recent past there was a temptation to withdraw French forces from Afghanistan, and now there is the realization that we should maintain some troops in Afghanistan," said Yves Boyer, director of the Paris-based Foundation for Strategic Research, a military think tank.

"But not, probably, in the south like the Dutch or the Canadians or the British -- in political terms, you will find it very difficult to sell in France the idea that we should increase our presence in Afghanistan. We are already very committed in Africa, we are committed in Lebanon and in Kosovo, and we are really at the limit of what we can do as far as extending troops there."

Members of Mr. Sarkozy's government seem divided between those who would rather build an independent EU defence force first, and those who see a stronger, less U.S.-dominated NATO as a greater priority.

Mr. Sarkozy has walked the fence, suggesting in late August that "the two go hand in hand, an independent European defence and an Atlantic organization in which we would assume our full role."

However, a report on France's military role commissioned by Mr. Sarkozy and written by former foreign minister Hubert Vedrine suggests that the country should not rejoin the NATO command or increase its troop commitments unless the organization were reformed to have largely European command, with less US influence.

"France's rejoining a NATO which has been reformed thanks to its own skillful management of its availability for rapprochement would look very different from, and would mean something other than a 'return to NATO'," he wrote.

But Bernard Kouchner, the Socialist defence minister, has been an outspoken proponent of a greater French role in NATO.

However, he told a French TV interviewer last week that France ought not to increase its role in NATO until next summer at the earliest, because this might seem like submission to the US.

"First, we'll have to discuss this. I think there'll be a real debate, otherwise it would be seen as a political gesture of submission to the United States, and that's not at all the case," he said.

Stretched too thin?

France has balked at making a greater contribution to the NATO mission to Afghanistan, although Canada has almost three times the troop commitment abroad for the size of its force than France.

CURRENT DEPLOYMENTS

CANADA:
1 Afghanistan: 2,545
2 Bosnia-Herzegovina: 8
3 Haiti: 4
4 Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea: 250
5 Golan Heights: 2
6 Sinai: 28
7 Jerusalem: 8
8 Cyprus: 1
9 At sea: 211
10 Democratic Republic of the Congo: 10
11 Sudan: 45
12 Sierre Leone: 11

FRANCE:
1 Kosovo: 2,000
2 Bosnia: 300
3 Ivory Coast: 2,600
4 Gulf of Guinea: 100
5 Lebanon: 1,750
6 Chad: 1,100
7 Central African Republic: 400
8 Afghanistan: 1,900
9 Sinai: 20
10 Sudan: 2
11 Ethiopia-Eritrea: 15
12 Cameroon: 50
13 Democratic Republic of Congo: 30
14 Haiti: 40

SOURCE: CANADIAN DEPARTMENT OF NATIONAL DEFENCE, DEFENCE MINISTRY OF FRANCE

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troung

France fills in F-15's role in Afghanistan after crash
www.chinaview.cn 2007-11-07 22:48:22 Print

WASHINGTON, Nov. 7 (Xinhua) -- With U.S. F-15 fighters ordered to stand by in Afghanistan, French fighters are providing close-air support for U.S. troops and their allies there, the Military Times reported Wednesday.

Since a Nov. 2 crash of a F-15C Eagle in Missouri, the U.S. AirForce has restricted flights of F-15Es and F-15Cs to "mission-critical" sorties only.

In Afghanistan, where F-15Es take off from Bagram Air Base, the restriction means that F-15Es sit on combat alert status but are not assigned to pre-planned or on-call missions.

In the absence of F-15s, French Mirage 2000 and F-1 CR fighters were summoned for two air strikes and more shows of force above enemy positions in Afghanistan.

Japan has also grounded its F-15s following the U.S. crash.

There is so far no word from the U.S. Air Force on how long theF-15 flight restrictions will remain in place.

The U.S. F-15 fleet includes 522 F-15C Eagles and 217 F-15E Strike Eagles.

France fills in F-15's role in Afghanistan after crash

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troung

Dated but from Centcom...

Support to the Global War on Terror (Operation Enduring Freedom):
http://www.centcom.mil/sites/uscentc...ce/France.aspx
Historical perspective:


French commitment to OEF has been strong and resolute since the beginning of the operation.
The French liaison team to HQ USCENTCOM was established on 10 October 2001 to coordinate all matters/issues related to the French contribution to OEF.
As soon as United Nations Security Council Resolution 1378 was issued on 18 October 2001, France forces were sent in Afghanistan. French forces arrived on the ground as early as 2 December 2001, securing Mazar-e-Sharif. The French aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle and her escort operated in the Indian Ocean as soon as December 2001 launching air strikes over Afghanistan. Since October 21, French reconnaissance aircraft and air tankers have contributed to the air campaign. They were reinforced at the beginning of 2002 by French air force transport planes and fighters. Indeed, France was the first country, along with the United States, to have flown bombing missions over Afghanistan in direct support of American ground troops. Since then, several tours have been completed by both Air Force and Navy air assets in support of OEF. From 2001 to 2006, special Forces troops fought against the remnants of the Taliban by conducting armed reconnaissance in the south of Afghanistan.

In total, more than 10000 French service members were sent to the region since the beginning of the war.

Today:


Today, some 2150 French service members are involved for Afghanistan in OEF or within the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). The French commitment is the following.

• Army: 1100

French ISAF battalion:

In addition to being responsible for security of Warehouse Camp, the French ISAF battalion also helps to maintain a safe and secure environment by conducting daily patrols in Kabul area.
The French battalion also performs Civil Military Operations in its area of operations to help Afghan people to rebuild their local economy and infrastructure (medical help, school building, well drilling etc.).



ISAF and RCC (Regional Command Capital) HQ :

The French Army provides staff officers for ISAF an RCC headquarters. France assumed the RCC command until April 2007.

In 2004, Lt. Gen PY was the ISAF Commander.



Operational Mentoring Liaison Teams:

France has already deployed one OMLT in Wardak and Lowgar provinces, within the 201 ANA corps. Three additional OMLT will be deployed by the end of 2007.



Afghan National Army (ANA) training:

Since the very beginning, France has been a major partner in ANA training. In early 2002, France assumed responsibility for training three initial ANA battalions. In 2003, France specialized in providing officer training for the subsequent battalions. In addition, France has led the General Staff College lead in Kabul since its creation in February 2004. Many classes have already received training from French instructors. Today, France focuses on company commander and Special Forces training.


• Navy: 550

Several French war ships are operating in Combined Task Force 150 along with the allies to fight against illegal maritime activities and to deter terrorism at sea. French contribution, two frigates in minimum, accounts for approximately a quarter of this OEF naval force.

France took command of CTF 150 on September 2003, June 2004, August 2005, Mars 2007 each time for a 4 months tour.
Besides these assets, one Maritime patrol aircraft deployed in Djibouti (ATL2) under national control is participating in Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance missions of the AOR.

Regularly, the French aircraft carrier "Charles de Gaulle" provides aerial support to OEF operations. At this time, French Super Etendard (SEM) and Rafale fighters fly RECCE and CAS missions over Afghanistan from Northern Arabian Sea.

• Air Force: 510

French C-160 planes, based in Dushanbe (Tajikistan), perform regular tactical airlift missions to all airfield in Afghanistan.

French Mirage 2000, Mirage F1 CR and Rafale fighters, also based in Dushanbe, provide daily aerial support to OEF operations with CAS and RECCE missions.

French KC-135 planes operate from Manas (Kyrgystan) for refueling missions. And French helicopters, based in Kabul, conduct support missions to troops on ground.



· Liaison teams:



The French Armed Forces have embedded liaison officers at all HQ levels:



- Office of Military Cooperation (OMC-A) and Combined Forces Command (CFC-A) in Kabul

- Combined Task Force (CTF 76) in Bagram

- Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) in Mazar-e-Sharif and Konduz

- Combined Task Force Horn Of Africa (CJTF HOA) in Djibouti

- Combined Air Operation Center (CAOC) in Al-Udeid

- US Naval Central (NAVCENT) in Bahrain.

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