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#31 (permalink) | |
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Moderator
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Quote:
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"So little pains do the vulgar take in the investigation of truth, accepting readily the first story that comes to hand." Thucydides 1.20.3 |
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#33 (permalink) | |
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Moderator
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Here's a commentary from the time of the last Israel/Hezbollah war. Mahmoud Sabit at PostGlobal: PostGlobal on washingtonpost.com
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In the realm of spirit, seek clarity; in the material world, seek utility. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz |
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#35 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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Alawites
Forgotten here is that the Alawites, though a shia minority, are the controlling element of Syrian power and have been well-established since Hafaz al-Assad.
Nothing is easily understood here. ![]()
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"This aggression will not stand, man!" Jeff Lebowski |
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#36 (permalink) | |
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Patron
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Also, why does even 1 carrier have to remain inside the Gulf with air operations running from Iraq, Kuwait, and possibly Saudi Arabia? Iraq would have limited say in the matter, Kuwait and the Saudis are both driven to counter Iranian attainment of nuclear arms. Not saying you are wrong. Just looking for enlightenment. |
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#37 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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Citanon Reply
Zraver's working on the assumption that G.C.C. states won't allow offensive ops from their soil. As such, the initial air campaign would largely be carried by off-shore carrier-based aircraft.
You suggest otherwise. A nation's input matters. Should Iraq decline to permit offensive ops, as example, I'd hope we'd honor that decision. Once Iran reacts, we'll likely have all the authority and permission we need to operate from G.C.C. Saudi/Iraqi bases. Probably not beforehand. I don't know that a carrier group needs to remain in the gulf to sustain maskirovka and I'm unsure that we need three carrier groups. How many carrier aircraft will it take to provoke Iran into observable action that will justify the use of G.C.C. bases, as example? If we are assured that all bets are off at that point and we'll have free use of these facilities following any Iranian retaliation, then our initial effort may be quite small- only sufficient to demand a forceful and obvious response by Iran. |
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#38 (permalink) | |
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Patron
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On the US side, even without explicit permission for offensive operations from their soil, presumably USAF tankers, support craft and defensive combat screens could allow one or two carrier groups positioned outside restricted waters of the Persian Gulf to sustain a higher tempo of offensive operations than they could alone. These could act in conjunction with long ranged bombers flown from outside the Middle East. With aid of the regional Combined Air Operations Center coordinating assets, maybe this could be quite seemless. Would such an operation do enough damage to Iran to force an immediate reaction? Also, the CAOC is a fixed target at a fixed location. Could the Iranians seek to limit US air operations tempo via political means, then use the opportunity to attack that location with a concentrated ballistic missile strike? (I realize that this is not necessarily consistent with the hunker-down plan.) Finally, would Israel initiate a new war against Hezbollah in coordination with US action? Last edited by citanon : 05-02-2008 at 14:18 PM. |
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#40 (permalink) | |
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Patron
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Last edited by citanon : 05-02-2008 at 14:25 PM. |
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#44 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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snc 128 Reply
"Sunni Muslim 74%, other Muslim (includes Alawite, Druze) 16%, Christian (various denominations) 10%, Jewish (tiny communities in Damascus, Al Qamishli, and Aleppo)"
For what it's worth from the CIA Factbook on Syria. Many seem to believe that they represent both the leading edge of Syrian power as well being a shia sub-sect comprising about 12% of Syria's population. |
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#45 (permalink) |
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Military Professional
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Iranian Ops
Citanon,
It's fair to assume that any operation against Iran will ultimately target it's nuclear facilities to achieve destruction or compel enforcement. Doing so means a sustained campaign. Level of tempo is less important to some degree, provided our lassitude doesn't permit the additional hardening/concealment of key targets. Any air campaign will likely attack immediate and near-term threats while establishing and maintaining both general air supremacy as well as transit corridors for further raids. ADA networks, naval facilities, airbases, IRGC/al-Quds facilities all represent viable first-order targets. So too gulf islands deemed a threat to shipping. These will likely be occupied. Failure by Iran to respond will lead to it's eventual dismantling in any case. They'll respond and it'll be apparent, I'm sure of that. As to transparency, we won't need much to justify going full-bore. |
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