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Old 11-09-2005, 17:18 PM   #1 (permalink)
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Ethiopian opposition leaders, journalists to face treason charges

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Ethiopian opposition leaders, journalists to face treason charges
(Updated at 2225 PST)

Addis Ababa : Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said on Wednesday the country's recent violence was a misguided attempt at a Ukrainian-style Orange Revolution and its leaders would be charged with treason.

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said Wednesday that opposition leaders and newspaper editors under detention will face treason charges, which carries the death penalty in Ethiopia, for their roles in protests last week in which at 46 people were killed.

Clashes last week between police and opposition supporters angered by the outcome of elections earlier this year left at least 46 people dead, drew international condemnation and raised questions about Meles's commitment to democracy.

http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/index.html
Trouble is afoot in Ethiopia now.

The political spectrum of Ethiopia is:

Afar National Democratic Party or ANDP [leader NA]; Benishangul Gumuz People's Democratic Unity Front or BGPDUF [Mulualem BESSE]; Coalition for Unity and Democracy or CUD [HAILU Shawil]; Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front or EPRDF [MELES Zenawi] (an alliance of ANDM, OPDO, SEPDF, and TPLF); Gurage Nationalities' Democratic Movement or GNDM [leader NA]; United Ethopian Democratic Forces or UEDF [MERARA Gudina]; dozens of small parties

Political pressure groups and leaders:

Afar Revolutionary Democratic Union Front or ARDUF [leader NA]; Council of Alternative Forces for Peace and Democracy in Ethiopia or CAFPDE [BEYANE Petros]; Southern Ethiopia People's Democratic Coalition or SEPDC [BEYANE Petros]

The political opposition attributes are:

# Well-meaning Ethiopians of high political stature and caliber whose main advocacy is the promotion of Ethiopian national interest and the assurance of Ethiopian sovereignty. These are mostly spokesmen and spokeswomen without affiliation to any political party.

# Myriads of opposition parties ranging from astute and sophisticated groups to elements whose political agenda is obscure but for the most part conflated with progressive political program. This group is, in turn, divided into a) genuine patriotic elements and b) gendarme servile elements.

# Charlatans, flag-waving demagogues and upscale hucksters. These groups are vehemently opposed to the regime in Addis Ababa, but they foster a narrow political agenda and ethnic phobia directed against traditionally minority nationalities in Ethiopia. They use vitriolic language and they are trapped in a dead end of frivolous political chat in Ethiopian restaurants and Starbucks cafes.

# Emotion-ridden “patriots” whose agenda is limited to cursing and insulting. This are nemesis of Group 3 and both, unwittingly, but mostly due to their shortsightedness have created a fertile ground and longevity to the regime in power. These groups are “dynamic” groups who could not envisage beyond their nose.

# Scattered and relatively miniscule civic organizations and associations bearing ethnic and/or Ethiopian names whose program are undermined by infighting, quarrel and discord. These groups do have well-meaning individuals among the rank and file and they are not dangerous, but they indirectly reinforce the agendas of Groups 3 and 4.

# Groups in hibernation. These are scholars and enlightened individuals who chose to remain silent. At this juncture we may attribute complicity to the silence of these groups but the onslaught and counter offensive that is directed against them by pretentious “nationalist” elements terrify some of them. Their fear is understandable but not justifiable.

Therefore, could there be any revolution of the Range or other Colours type?

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Old 11-09-2005, 17:44 PM   #2 (permalink)
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A pox on all their houses.
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Old 11-09-2005, 18:27 PM   #3 (permalink)
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Former Italian colony, then British mandate, Eritrea became autonomous unit federated with Ethiopia 1950 in accordance with UN General Assembly resolution 390. Federation with Ethiopia brought shift in economic and political power from Asmara to Addis Ababa and steady impoverishment. Ethiopia’s 1962 illegal annexation of Eritrea sparked full-blown Eritrean insurgency, though differences within Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) initially rendered insurgency ineffectual. ELF split 1973 with creation of Eritrean People’s Liberation Forces (EPLF), provoking civil war within Eritrea until ELF defeat 1991.

Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie overthrown 1974 by military officers led by Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. With Soviet backing Mengistu became head of state 1977, establishing Marxist dictatorship and securing large-scale Soviet support to fight off Somali invasion of Ethiopia’s southeastern Ogaden region. Both Mengistu’s regime and Ethiopia’s hold on Eritrea collapsed 1991 with Asmara falling to EPLF and Addis Ababa falling to EPLF allies, Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), under Miles Zenawi.

New TPLF government Addis Ababa supported Eritrea’s independence following 1993 referendum. Initially close relationship between governing parties of two countries seriously deteriorated during 1990s with three main contributing factors: disagreements over ill-defined border (particularly around town of Badme), Eritrea’s introduction of its own currency (nakfa) November 1997, and tensions over use of Red Sea port of Assab, ceded by Ethiopia to Eritrea 1993, cutting Ethiopia off from sea.

Eritrea occupied Ethiopian-administered town of Badme May 1998 sparking war. Tens of thousands of Ethiopian refugees fled or were forced out of Eritrea. U.S.-Rwandan peace plan issued within days of commencement of hostilities rejected by Eritrea, which believed would lead to de facto recognition of Ethiopian sovereignty over Badme and environs. Another U.S. proposal placing moratorium on air-strikes accepted, though later violated by Ethiopia. Eritrean defences broken February 1999 and Ethopian air-strikes on Assab and Massawa resumed, leading Eritrea to accept Organisation of African Unity (OAU) peace document. By August 1999 both sides agreed to OAU deal in principle while disagreeing on technical arrangements for implementation. Hostilities resumed May 2000 with major Ethiopian advance, occupying significant portion of southwest Eritrea.

Interim peace agreement signed Algiers 18 June 2000 recognising Ethiopia’s military advantage and creating demilitarised 25 km Temporary Security Zone (TSZ). TSZ entirely within Eritrean territory, to be monitored by UN peacekeepers. UN Security Council resolution 1298 established UN Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), numbering over 4,000 troops, July 2000. Eritrean President Afworki and Ethiopian PM Meles reached final agreement Algiers December 2000 providing for delimitation then demarcation of border.

Ruling principally on basis of colonial treaties, Boundary Commission of five, composed of prominent judges, ruled Badme to be inside Eritrea April 2002. Commission clarified March 2003 that while Badme Plains was Ethiopian, Badme town Eritrean. Both sides initially accepted April 2002 decision, as required under Algiers agreement, though Ethiopia questioned process. Commission rejected Ethiopia’s request to take into account local situation, stating Algiers agreement did not allow for any decision to be reopened. Ethiopia warned of return to war without resolution of local issues.

Peace process remains stalled and demarcation of border yet to proceed. Both countries traded accusations of hostile intentions and occasional incursions in 2003-2004, and maintained volatile relations with UNMEE.
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