-
Tibetan Unrest : The Crimson's Revolution's True Colour
THE recent crisis in Tibet focused attention on whether there would be yet another "colour revolution" - this time on the roof of the world, leading to a substantial portion of China breaking away.
China has reasons to be concerned. The actors involved in Tibet are essentially the same as those who were involved in toppling legitimate governments elsewhere in the Eurasian heartland.
After doing a comparison, William Engdahl, author of A Century Of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics And The New World Order, has concluded that the Tibetan uprising is but another colour revolution - this time "crimson".
"As in the other Colour Revolutions, the United States government is fanning the flames of destabilisation against China by funding opposition protest organisations inside and outside Tibet through its arm, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED)," Engdahl said.
He also cited Freedom House, a non-governmental organisation (NGO), and Trace Foundation, which is funded by financier George Soros through his daughter Andrea Soros Colombel.
The NED was set up by the Reagan administration in the early 1980s on the recommendation of, among others, then-CIA director Bill Casey. It was designed as an independent NGO, one step removed from the US government. Yet its first acting president Allen Weinstein admitted to the Washington Post that "a lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA".
The NED has been instrumental in the staging of every "colour revolution" - from Serbia to Georgia, from the Ukraine to Myanmar, says Engdahl.
In the case of Tibet, the NED has supported five major Tibetan exile groups: the Gu-Chu-Sum
(ex-political prisoners' association) Movement of Tibet; the International Campaign for Tibet; the Tibetan Women's Association; the Longsho Youth Movement of Tibet; and the Voice of Tibet.
These groups tried to organise a protest march by Tibetans in India back to their homeland, and had a hand in organising the recent riots in Tibet.
The NED's funding comes almost entirely from the US government. A 2007 report by the Congressional Research Service says US foreign operations appropriations for the People's Republic of China grew from US$10 million (S$13.5 million) in 2002 to US$23 million in 2006. Most of this money went to democracy-related programmes and for the support of Tibetan communities.
About 40 per cent of US government funding for human rights and democracy-related programmes in China was allocated through the NED. Funds for Tibetan exiled communities also came
from the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour, the US Agency for International Development and the New York-based Tibet Fund.
Advice and training for the exiled Tibetans were provided, among others, by the Albert Einstein Institution (AEI), which is funded by Soros foundations and the US government.
AEI founder Gene Sharp once said his institute specialised in "non-violence as a form of warfare". AEI's former president Robert Helvey, a retired US Army colonel and former Defence Intelligence Agency official, is on record as stating that he got involved in "strategic non-violence" after observing the failure of military approaches to toppling dictators. He found this other approach - non-violence - more appealing.
According to a source with access to the Tibetan movement, prior to the March 10 demonstrations in Lhasa, 40 grassroots activists representing 25 Tibetan communities in India were given advanced training on grassroots activism and capacity-building by the five leading Tibetan NGOs, with training manuals provided by the AEI. Held from Feb 15 to 17, the course familiarised participants with the concept of non-violence as warfare.
The AEI has translated its two main "colour revolution" manuals into Tibetan, one with a foreword by the Dalai Lama. Activists from Serbia and Ukraine have said that AEI's training and manuals were instrumental in the formation of their strategies.
American NGOs were not alone in stoking the fire. German ones, funded by the Berlin government, have played an increasingly significant role recently.
The Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF), a think tank linked to the German Free Democratic
Party, has been actively involved in the Tibetan independence movement. According to German-Foreign-Policy.com, a website founded by a group of German journalists and social scientists, the FNF "gave the impetus to the current anti-Chinese Tibet campaign that violently forced the interruption of the Olympic torch relay in Paris".
Last May, the FNF helped organise the Fifth International Tibet Support Groups Conference in Brussels. According to a Tibetan Government in Exile statement, the event led to a "road map" for the Tibet movement for the coming years. It was decided then to make the 2008 Olympics the focus of their activities.
and The road map called for global protests, a march of exiles from India to Tibet and rallies within Tibet. The Olympics were seen as a chance for Tibetans to come out protest "like one mighty force protest - or else Tibet would "slip out of the world map".
Mr Rolf Berndt, from the FNF's executive council, has said the Games were "an excellent opportunity to publicly promote the cause of the Tibet Movement".
Early this January, the five exile organisations issued a statement saying "the 2008 Olympics will mark the culmination of almost 50 years of Tibetan resistance in exile. We will use this historic moment to reinvigorate the Tibetan freedom movement and bring our exile struggle for freedom back to Tibet. We will bring about another uprising that will shake China's control in Tibet and mark the beginning of the end of China's occupation".
Clearly, the immediate cause of the recent bloodshed in Tibet should be attributed to this road map, not the suppression of peaceful demonstrations by the Chinese government, as claimed by most of the Western media.
-
Tibetan exiles in Dharamsala, India, settle in with disillusionment
Some who fled Chinese rule for tales of paradise find life isn't what they expected. Others say the tradeoffs are worth it.
By Mark Magnier, Los Angeles Times
September 22, 2010
Reporting from Dharamsala, India —
Dharamsala, the Indian hill town of monks, chocolate pancakes and backpacker kitsch, has long been a mecca for Tibetans fleeing Chinese communist rule. Thousands have made the tortuous journey over the Himalayas from Lhasa, drawn by the promise of a new life, freedom of expression and the presence of their spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, who arrived in 1959 after he fled Tibet.
But it's also become a town of tarnished illusions, homesickness, intrigue and a more nuanced view of China than one might expect from the anti-China posters, anti-Beijing testimonials and shops claiming to shun all Chinese products.
Get dispatches from Times correspondents around the globe delivered to your inbox with our daily World newsletter. Sign up »
"When I was in China, friends told me Dharamsala was a paradise, you didn't even need money," said Golma, 39, who uses one name. She arrived here several years ago with her husband and young daughter.
"But life isn't easy, and this place is quite dirty," she said, pointing to an open sewer strewn with plastic bags, animal waste and rotting vegetables. "I couldn't believe the Dalai Lama would live in such a messy place."
In their headlong rush for greener pastures, some Tibetans here say, they underestimated the hardship of starting anew, and even the benefits of living under Chinese rule.
Tibet has lived in the shadow of — or been outright controlled by — its powerful neighbor for centuries. Chinese troops invaded in 1950, and some exile groups continue to call for Tibetan independence.
In 2003, Tsering Dolma, like many, sneaked over the mountains from the Tibet Autonomous Region with the help of a paid guide after friends in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, told her Dharamsala was heaven on Earth, every tree weighed down by juicy peaches, her favorite fruit.
"After I got here, I kept thinking, 'There must be another India I'm missing,' " the waitress said. "Now I want to go back, but can't. I'm stuck."
An estimated 2,000 to 2,500 Tibetans arrive annually, and their numbers in India totaled 110,000 at the last census, in 2001. Tibetans in the country can't vote or get a passport but are free to work and own property.
The most common problems faced by the newly arrived exiles, said Nawang Thogmed, a Tibetan government-in-exile official, include language barriers, their dislike of Indian food, and the warm weather, which makes their traditional woolen garments and yak-hide apparel uncomfortable.
Many initially live at the Tibetan Reception Center on Dharamsala's Jogibara Road, a three-story building with chipped concrete floors, clotheslines strung like spider webs and stained yellow shelves littered with expired medicines. "Reach High, Sky Is Not the Limit" reads a poster with a picture of a red Ferrari.
Though several exiles said they welcomed India's freedom of speech, some worried that Chinese spies in Dharamsala might report back if they spoke out, potentially endangering relatives in Tibet.
The Hindustan Times reported this month that security around the Dalai Lama had been boosted amid suspicion that Chinese spies disguised as monks were operating in Dharamsala.
Sonam Dawa, 25, a cook who has crossed the border three times, has all the proof of espionage he needs. Almost immediately after he applied for an identity card for exiles a few years ago, his parents in Tibet — who weren't even aware he'd left — were visited by Chinese police, who accused their son of being a traitor. "It's clear to me they have spies here," he said.
Though Tibetans worry that China is trying to weaken Tibetan culture — a claim Beijing denies — some believe their culture is also under subtle attack in Dharamsala.
"Here we watch Indian television in Hindi or English, diluting our Tibetan," said Lobsang Rabsel, 38, a restaurant manager and former monk who said he fled Tibet after being beaten by Chinese police. "Preserving our culture here isn't easy, either. Not that everything about our culture is good, but as a minority we should fight to keep it."
Nor is Dharamsala immune to cultural prejudices. Dawa, the cook, sang Tibetan opera in Lhasa, but now he finds himself excluded from local singing groups. "I know I have a good voice and dance well," he said. "But here they say my style is too Chinese, too much like Peking opera. China has some good things, but sometimes people here think everything's bad."
For restaurant manager Rabsel, the ability to speak his mind far outweighs any resettlement problems. As a young monk, he saw fellow clerics beaten and tortured. He was subject to re-education sessions by Chinese security officials, who insisted that he denounce the Dalai Lama as a "cannibal" and a "wolf in monk's clothing."
"I couldn't imagine staying," he said. "If you only care about money, you can have a good life in China."
Others, however, said most people who remain in Tibet just want to feed their families.
"China has jobs; you can start a business without a lot of bureaucracy. You don't get Delhi belly [dysentery] all the time," said Golma, who makes $60 a month as a Dharamsala shopkeeper, compared with $300 to $400 a month in Lhasa.
If you make a political ruckus in China you're likely to get in trouble, added Golma, who was dressed in a traditional Tibetan chupa robe, knockoff Crocs and worn green socks. "But there's also freedom in enjoying your life."
Several exiles paraphrased the Dalai Lama, noting that it's important to distinguish between the Chinese people and their government's policies. "Both societies have good and bad," Rabsel said.
Though China is better organized and has lifted far more people out of poverty, he said, the communist government is often extremely repressive toward the Tibetan minority. India may be bureaucratic and slow-moving, other exiles said, but its people are more tolerant.
"Superficially, everything's better in China," said Dawa. "But mentally, there's also lots of pressure there. You have to think before you talk."
He paused for a minute. "But I really miss my family. I'd like to go back if I ever get the chance."
-