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Old 04-07-2006, 16:33 PM   #1 (permalink)
Ray
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Who is really afraid of democracy?

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Friday, April 07, 2006 E-Mail this article to a friend Printer Friendly Version

COMMENT: Who is really afraid of democracy? — Tanvir Ahmad Khan

The prospects for democracy in Muslim states are threatened less by internal forces today than by the outside powers which demand that it should be no more than an instrument for imposing their will on the Muslim peoples by other means

In a widely publicised address delivered at London’s Whitehall Palace in November 2003, President George W Bush prescribed democracy as the answer to tyranny and terrorism.

“Democracy, and the hope and progress it brings”, he declared, “are the alternative to instability and to hatred and terror. We cannot rely exclusively on military power to assure our long-term security. Lasting peace is gained as justice and democracy advance.” In another major speech delivered in Cairo, Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, told the Arabs that the day of the autocrat was over and the time had finally arrived for democracy in the Middle East.

The civil society organs in the Arab world needed no such prescription from outside as an intense debate on democracy already occupied the centre-stage of politics in several countries. Arab disillusionment with nationalism and socialism had contributed to the rise of what has come to be known as Political Islam.

Its militant tendency created fears that autocratic regimes of one kind may be replaced by equally intolerant theocratic systems of another kind. The result was a lively discussion on whether Islam negated democratic principles or was itself their fountainhead for its followers. At another plane, Human Development Reports had increasingly focused on the deficit of democracy and governance in the Arab world. These reports linked the contemporary Arab discourse to the larger view that democracy was vital not only to freedom and regime legitimacy but also to sustainable economic growth.

There was thus a convergence of internal opinion and that of the international community that democracy and development would arrest the drift of Middle Eastern societies into extremism. But this dream is being frustrated by the growing evidence that US-led initiatives for supporting democracy are valid only when the electorate returns results considered desirable by the West. This perception undermines democratic forces in the region. It revives memories of the horrific crisis that the rejection of the verdict of the people in Algeria produced in early 1990s. It also locates the current campaign against the emergence of Hamas as the freely elected Palestinian Authority squarely in the interpretation of the present policy of the United States as a neo-imperialist project in the region.

Democracy as a quintessential expression of the desire for a peaceful political change is never without its surprises. Even in Latin America, which Washington treats as its backyard, democracy brings to power or prominence leaders who have a fundamental disagreement with the political and economic ideology of the United States. In fact the transformation of the political landscape in Brazil, Venezuela and Bolivia, to cite just a few examples, illustrates the growing discontent with the dominant configuration of global political and economic power. Significantly, at the recently held World Social Forum in Karachi, several representatives of the new Left saw more hope for the regeneration of their ideas in the recent developments in Latin America than in any other part of the world.

In the Islamic world, there is an entire spectrum of radical attitudes ranging from the violent resistance witnessed in post-invasion Iraq and Afghanistan to the pursuit of Islamic social justice through a proactive participation in the electoral process. In countries as far apart as Turkey and Indonesia, Islamic parties are struggling to pre-empt violence from the extreme left and right through gradualist reforms.

A full blooded participation of Hamas in the elections and its landslide victory opened up an entirely new avenue for a militant, armed national liberation movement to be gradually transformed into a political party ready for a negotiated settlement. Nothing is more unrealistic than to expect it to abandon its raison d’etre and creep into a position of helplessness that it had challenged in the election. But it lost no time in offering a protracted ceasefire that would provide ample time for decisive negotiations for a just solution based on the pre-1967 borders.

Implicit in this offer was the acceptance of Israel’s right to exist as long as Israel conceded the Palestinian right to a continuous sovereign state with East Jerusalem as its capital. Instead of seizing the moment by encouraging this transformation, the West has loaded all contacts with the Hamas government with stringent pre-conditions. Acceptance of conditions such as renunciation of the right to resist the occupation, recognition of Israel and the re-writing of the Hamas charter is an event that, in the words of an objective Western analyst, Gabriella Rifkind, is “likely to happen if the West can support the transformation that the Hamas is going through, and read the cues they (Hamas) are giving for engagement.”

Rejection will bring nothing but resistance. The demand that this metamorphosis should take place before the Hamas government, a freely elected entity, is accepted as an empowered interlocutor and dialogue partner is tantamount to subordinating Arab democracy to the strategic dictates of Israel and its Western allies.

There is mounting evidence that democracy in Islamic countries would in some cases lead to a period of domination by parties with a religious orientation. It is also becoming evident that it is a mellowing process. Such a party rules secular Turkey today without causing any constitutional crisis. A markedly improved showing by candidates linked to Muslim Brotherhood in the Egyptian election has not created any difficulties. The victory of Hamas will doubtless run a similar course unless it is thwarted as in the Algerian case.

In Iran, the presidential election certainly strengthened the ideologically-oriented forces but these forces are not averse to compromise as long as it is honourable. Reduced to essentials, Tehran is struggling to preserve national sovereignty just as an almost secular and nationalistic elected prime minister, Mossadegh, did in another era of Western domination. The prospects for democracy in Muslim states are threatened less by internal forces today than by the outside powers which demand that it should be no more than an instrument for imposing their will on the Muslim peoples by other means.

The writer is a former foreign secretary. Email: tanvir.a.khan@gmail.com

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default...7-4-2006_pg3_2
In defence of Political Islam, the author makes out a case that the US and others are keen on democracy, but so long as the winner of the election is suitable to western interests.

He makes out a case that Hamas is not being given a fair chance to prove its peaceful credentials because the demands on Hamas by the western nation is too heavy for it to abandon.

He is fallacious in his argument that the Moslem Brotherhood is not foment problems in a democracy. He forgets that the Moslem Brotherhood is hardly a reckonable force in the Egyptian Parliament. One cannot kick up a fuss with one man and a dog!

Likewise, is allegory on Turkey is a weak one.

There is no doubt that Islamic nations will have to abide with international niceties (and it need not be the US rules). It can't exist in isolation pursuing violent means just because it has been elected to office!

There still seems to be a mismatch in understanding international procedures of interaction and execution of statehood in what is termed as Political Islam!

One wonders where one goes from here to coax Political Islam into the International brotherhood and it procedures of interaction and governance.
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Old 04-07-2006, 17:04 PM   #2 (permalink)
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Unfortunately in most Islamic countries, Political Islam bears a striking resemblance to Militant Islam.
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Old 04-07-2006, 18:02 PM   #3 (permalink)
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That is what makes the whole issue of Islam so confusing!

And in the bargain, the Moslems are getting more confused themselves about everything in Islam and thereby creating greater confusion by saying one thing to justify something and then saying just the opposite to justify another thing!

And then every Moslem thinks he is the last word in interpreting Islam!

And the illiterate Maulavis rules the roost with greater illiterates who the Maulavis set afire with militant Islam to sic the rest of the world which stands against the Maulavis and their interpretation of Islam!
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Old 05-14-2006, 04:52 AM   #4 (permalink)
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http://www.time.com/time/world/artic...193622,00.html

Stomping on Democracy in Egypt

Posted Thursday, May. 11, 2006
For a very brief moment in downtown Cairo Thursday, there seemed to be a small flowering of democracy, the kind of popular expression of will that the Bush Administration has declared to be a central part of its Middle East agenda. Hundreds of marchers wound through the capital's traffic-gnarled streets pumping their fists and chanting, "O freedom, where are you, where are you? See, [President] Hosni Mubarak stands between me and you!" as car horns honked in cheerful camaraderie.

But then suddenly, only 15 minutes into the demonstration, screams erupted and people began running in every direction in panic. State security had arrived, and before long it was clear that Egypt's authoritarian government still had the upper hand in its year-long struggle with democracy activists.

TIME witnessed plainclothes thugs, who were apparently taking orders from police, attack the fleeing protestors with fists and truncheons. One woman was thrown to the ground, kicked and punched as she knelt on her hands and knees. Journalists also were targeted, especially those with cameras. At least six journalists were detained briefly, and several were beaten, including Reuters and Al Jazeera cameramen.

The government had fully expected such a clash. More than 10,000 black-clad riot police had sealed off entire areas of the city in an attempt to prevent demonstrators from expressing their support for two pro-reform judges who were scheduled to appear in front of a disciplinary hearing that morning. The judges, Mahmoud Mekky and Hesham El Bastawissi, face possible expulsion from the bench after calling for the independence of Egypt's judiciary and protesting ballot fraud during last year's parliamentary elections. Their case is fast becoming a cause celebre in Egypt, where President Hosni Mubarak, 78, is facing growing domestic and international pressure to democratize.

Muslim Brotherhood officials, who organized the protest along with secular activists, told TIME at least 350 of their supporters had been arrested in three separate demonstrations in Cairo Thursday. They join scores of other activists detained in the last several weeks at similar rallies. For their part, judges Mekky and Bastawissi refused to enter the courthouse in protest. Unable to proceed without them, the hearing has been postponed until next Thursday.

"This is not a trial; it's a war," El Bastawissi told TIME by telephone from inside the Judges Club, where he was holed up with sympathetic fellow judges. "Every time, the violence gets worse than the time before. You can't have a hearing under these conditions." El Bastawissi said he, Mekky and thousands of other judges will not return to court until the government releases those who were arrested.

At the scene of the protest, human rights activist Hossam Bahgat watched as police played a brutal cat-and-mouse game with remaining demonstrators, chasing them down alleyways and cornering them against barricades. "I saw some of them being carried into police trucks while their noses and mouths were bleeding," said Bahgat, the director of the Egyptian Initiative for Human Rights. "As soon as the judges arrived to offer the reform movement the moral leadership it direly needed, the government realized how dangerous these government demonstrations could be," Bahgat said.

On a nearby street corner, Ahmed Abdul Aziz, a young doctor, said he had come to show his support for the judges, but was chased away and beaten by plainclothes state security forces. "They don't want anyone to open his mouth at all, or demand constitutional rights on behalf of the people," said a white-faced Abdul Aziz. "If the judges, who are the highest authority, are being targeted, then it's over. Who else is there?"

As he spoke to TIME, standing on the sidewalk near the courthouse, the interview was interrupted by screaming. Five feet away, a young American journalist from Knight Ridder had attracted the attention of security forces by taking photographs. Five or six of them jumped on her and began grabbing for her camera, hitting her and reaching down her shirt as she stood pinned against a parked car.

Abdul Aziz, journalists and other bystanders rushed to her aid, shouting at the thugs and trying to extract the woman. "Shame on you!" they yelled in a furious chorus of English and Arabic. "Are you animals?" The men backed off grudgingly, and the shaken reporter was ushered back to the relative security of the sidewalk."Cowards," spat Abdul Aziz as he walked away.

Hanafy Mohammad Abdel Salam, a protester who was beaten in the day's chaos, lamented the situation. "I am 60 years old and retired," Abdel Salam said, his voice breaking. "I have lived 60 years without freedom, and my children, they have smelled only a whiff of freedom." A silent crowd began to gather, listening intently. A few of the plainclothes thugs also closed in, but Abdel Salam ignored them. "I can see that these judges are good people," he said. "We need to stand with them, to let them know that the people are not yet dead, that there are still people who will speak out. I will help them even if I die." With passions like that being stirred, the battle for democracy in Egypt shows no signs of abating.
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